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This book investigates the ways in which the crusades have been observed by historians from the 1090s to the present day. Especial emphasis is placed on the academic after-life of the crusades from the sixteenth to twenty-first centuries. The use of the crusade and its history, by humanists and other contemporary writers, occupied a world of polemic, serving parochial religious, cultural and political functions. Since the Renaissance humanists and Reformation controversialists, one attraction of the crusades had lain in their scope: recruited from all western nations, motivated by apparently transcendent belief systems and fought across three continents. From the perspective of western Europe's engagement with the rest of the globe from the sixteenth century, the crusades provided the only post-classical example to hand of an ideological and military world war. Remarkably, the patterns of analysis of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century have scarcely gone away: empathy; disapproval; relevance; the role of religion; materialist reductionism. Despite the explosion of literary attention, behind the empathetic romanticism of Michaud or the criticism of Mills and Scott, the themes identified by Thomas Fuller, Claude Fleury, David Hume, Edward Gibbon and William Robertson persisted. The idea of the crusades as explicit precursors to modern events, either as features of teleological historical progress or as parallels to modern actions remains potent. The combination of ideology, action, change, European conquest and religious fanaticism acted as a contrast or a comparison with the tone of revolutionary and reactionary politics.

Elliot Vernon

alliances with members of the House of Commons. As we have noted, many of the London presbyterian ministers had connections with godly peers, particularly the Earls of Warwick, Manchester and Essex himself. The presbyterian citizenry had similar connections. Many had been officers in the London militia and held Essex in high esteem as a military commander. This was particularly true among those Londoners, led by Colonels Thomas Hooker and Thomas Underwood, who had served under Essex as part of the city’s military contingent in the

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Michael Carter-Sinclair

was telling. While the biggest risk seemed to be that Russia, the closest ally of Serbia, would likely retaliate with its own declaration of war against the Empire, testing its military strength, internal tensions and disunity were also potential threats to the Austrian war effort. Disputes between some of the nationally inclined political parties of the Empire were still unresolved at the outbreak of war, and cooperation between, say, the Germans of the Empire and its Slavs might be difficult to achieve. Members of the largest political movement in Vienna, the

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Abstract only
Elliot Vernon

the monarch’s personal power, became the touchstones of what ‘the parliamentarian cause’ meant for a substantial number of its supporters. The London presbyterians stood in this tradition and remained committed to it as the revolutionary turn of events in December 1648 set in course a series of alternative constitutional and religious experiments in the English state. For the London presbyterians, the best way to protect the aims of the parliamentarian cause was the British confessional and military alliance enshrined in the

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Elliot Vernon

accusations against the grain of his propagandistic purpose, however, suggests that the presbyterian ministers were reiterating many of the themes that had characterised their position between 1645–7, rather than proclaiming a new-found royalism. As might be expected, a dominant theme of the 1648 sermons was criticism of the Army’s military interference in the spheres of politics and religion. 36 With regard to the king, Price’s evidence was rather weak. He could report the complaint of John Wall, minister of St Michael, Cornhill

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Abstract only
Elliot Vernon

rhetoric of reformation, magistracy and ministry remained a centrifugal force for many old parliamentarians, pulling the Cromwellian Protectorate away from the radical moment. In the end, in 1659, with the bankrupt wreckage of the radical parliamentarian experiment collapsing about them into incoherent military rule, London presbyterians made a significant contribution to bringing about the political settlement that ended the civil wars and interregnum. Ironically, but perhaps true to form, the presbyterians rapidly lost control

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Elliot Vernon

dissenting brethren on the right’, but they assured the Kirk that they would ‘adde what power the Lord hath given us with you to the same purpose’. 3 The 22 July letter was sent at a time when Parliament recognised that it needed to court the Kirk over a possible military alliance with the covenanters. 4 On 9 May a bill had been laid calling for an assembly of divines to settle matters of religion, a demand repeated a month later in Parliament’s nineteen propositions to the king. 5 It is tempting to view the exuberance of the

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Michael Carter-Sinclair

releasing liberal political ideas. Through the introduction of reforms that loosened the grip of some traditional guilds on trade and industry, parts of the economy were liberalised with the intention of building tax revenues, then making military and diplomatic advances. Capital markets were opened, allowing manufacturers to found factories. City planning initiatives began the process of making Vienna a modern city, fit to govern an empire, with roads widened, military fortifications demolished and public works programmes begun. 7 Progress was made, but the narrow

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Elliot Vernon

planning to join forces with north-western English cavaliers for an invasion of England. In addition, Coke related all he knew about Scottish and royalist intrigue in England. 37 His depositions revealed an incredibly coherent network of royalist and presbyterian plotters waiting to strike. These claims appear to be a mixed fabric of hearsay, half-knowledge and truth woven together to link disparate pockets of malcontent into a lucid plot. 38 However, the Rump had experienced similar stratagems before, and with its military

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Michael Carter-Sinclair

the uprising – which he did, in some considerable detail. On the day after rebellion erupted, Reichspost published official communiqués which described risings across Vienna as having been suppressed through a combination of police and military action. 15 Over the next few days, the Neue Freie Presse reported that the government was strengthening its position. Social Democratic Mayor of Vienna Karl Seitz had been taken into ‘police custody,’ as had other socialist leaders across the country, while it was announced that the Social Democratic Party was being

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites