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Selfrepresentation to insiders and outsiders
Amy G. Tan

communion table was ‘faulty, being almost decayed with wear’ – all, allegedly, because of ‘want of money’ to address the issues. Meanwhile the sexton’s wages were long past due; and again, churchwardens Edward Curle and Robert Norton explained that insufficient funding was the issue: ‘diverse of our parish doth refuse to pay their rates to the church’. 14

in The pastor in print

illegitimate son of the Earl of Huntingdon, known simply as John Huntingdon, who became the first Warden of Manchester Collegiate Church. If it was Thomas Langley and Thomas de la Warre who provided the inspiration and the money behind Manchester College, it was John Huntingdon who shaped their vision into the realities of stone and glass, prayer and service. Warden of the College for over thirty years, Huntingdon began the long slow process of rebuilding the existing church. His greatest architectural achievement was

in Manchester Cathedral

statutes by which to govern the College did not help the situation (Manchester, like cathedrals, was waiting for a royal commission to reform its pre-Reformation statutes to make them accord with Protestantism), 26 two connected problems lay behind many of the disorders at Manchester: money and the failings of Thomas Herle as Warden. The Marian College may have approached its full complement of warden, eight fellow chaplains, four clerks, and six choristers, 27 but the early Elizabethan College seems to have maintained

in Manchester Cathedral
Michael Carter-Sinclair

expediency with the coming political ideology. Later antisemites portrayed this as a period when the Church struggled against liberal secularisers to keep a foothold in the world of education. However, any encroachment on Church privileges in education was resisted, whatever its source – as seen, for instance, in the early 1860s in Weinhaus, to the north of the city, in a dispute between Prince Czartoryski and his parish priest, Adam Schwandner. As parish sponsor, Czartoryski provided money to the church, but it came with strings attached, and Czartoryski expected a role

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Michael Carter-Sinclair

Vergani, was in its eleventh year in 1899, when 20,000 copies of the 120-page booklet were produced. The directory advertised everything from alpaca goods and amulets to materials for the production of matches, through to boarding houses with rooms to rent. In order to reach a significant number of people, the guide was distributed free of charge, and funded by advertising. There was an injunction to people to say that they came to a business because of the guide, so that advertisers knew that their money was well spent. 23 The guide contained twenty-four pages of

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Michael Carter-Sinclair

existing order. In Austria, this meant being seen to support the war effort, while encouraging others to do the same. From the pages of the Diözesanblatt , in October 1914, for instance, priests in rural areas were reminded to encourage farmers not to hoard money that was being earned from the increased prices that war brought for their products. Instead, they were to be instructed to use some of this money to buy tools and other useful objects from Austrian industry, which was struggling under the strains of conflict. Farmers should be told that this use of their

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Abstract only

their impoverished and isolated curates. Church buildings were often not maintained, and some clergy saw little point in having music as part of the service, let alone in spending money on it, which in turn affected the quality and morale of those in musical posts. 145 Manchester itself, on the other hand, was not in decline: quite the reverse, in fact, having become the centre of the Industrial Revolution almost overnight. For several years it had hosted a series of musical festivals (1770, 1777, 1785, and 1792

in Manchester Cathedral

. However, he preferred to reside in Manchester as fellow despite pointed letters from Bishop Stratford, who said that after ten years of dispensations for repairing his parsonage he no longer had any excuse! 33 Of Roger Bolton, indeed, it was said that ‘he seldom came to town but when he came for his money, and then he could scarce stay to preach a sermon’, though apparently he paid no absence money. 34 As to the physical condition and appearance of the church in this early period, some clues may be gleaned from

in Manchester Cathedral
Elliot Vernon

general opposition to the regicide, it is unsurprising that few London presbyterians adopted the position of accepting the Engagement. One exception was Lazarus Seaman, who in 1649 asserted ‘the Providence of God in disposing of political government’ in the Cambridge disputation for his doctor of divinity degree. 28 In 1650 Seaman preached sermons on Matthew 22:19–21, arguing that Christ’s commandment to pay tribute money to the Roman emperor, a usurper in Judea, provided justification for submitting to the Commonwealth regime

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64

’s own life, though it was arguable that he had, in contrast with Jowett, neglected its influence in the wider city, something accentuated by his own tendency to retreat into himself at times. 22 He was also deeply disappointed by the failure of an ambitious fundraising appeal. Manchester, unusually amongst English cathedrals, continued to maintain its own estates and investments, yet found itself continually hard-pressed financially. The appeal was not for money for restoration of the Cathedral fabric, however

in Manchester Cathedral