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Those seeking to relocate themselves across contested borders of class, race-caste, gender and nation require means of transportation, i.e., moral languages that are mutually comprehensible to the migrant, his adversaries and “neutral” observers. These languages must describe at least three spaces: the migrant’s origin, the destination and the migrant himself. In the process, a set of techniques must be developed and deployed that will show how morally successful the movement has been. Money is a critical part of
the concentration of rapid industrialisation in a few key areas, only to have this rejected. 43 Lewis’s last attempt to make a case to CEAC for the development of centres of industrialisation in the empire was a memorandum prepared with F. V. Meyer. ‘The Analysis of Secondary Industries’ stated that focused points of industrial development were the most efficient way to spend development money and most likely to provide an environment in which new factories might flourish. This document was notable for attacking a basic Colonial Office
passed to George Bayley, but he advised the board to leave things as they were to avoid delays. 2 Shipbuilders all over the country were invited to tender for the new vessels, but the MDs preferred London or south-of-England shipyards. Money, Wigram & Sons and Ditchburn & Mare, both of Blackwall, William Pitcher of Northfleet, William Fairbairn & Sons of Millwall, and Thomas & Robert White of Cowes on the
‘make money through the public exhibition of the two young Mohawks’. 29 Later events seem to support this hypothesis, but the earlier history of Indigenous visitors to Britain suggests otherwise. Neither colonist would have had heard many stories to indicate it could be a worthwhile gamble – overt Indigenous exhibiting was simply not prevalent enough before the 1760s. The wider colonial context of Sychnecta and Trosoghroga
identity and discipline, more or less overtly, the lower sorts into the pliant workers sought by industrial capitalists. 6 Historians in the social control vein have explored ceremonial displays of philanthropic power and the social relations developed through gifts of time, money and moral concern. Yet their emphasis has been on benevolent activists’ aims and attitudes rather than the material objects through which
their families. 5 The rightful place to care for Vietnamese orphans, insisted the Australian , was in Vietnam: ‘If all the money, effort, care and attention which it is suggested be spent on maintaining Vietnamese orphans in Australia were devoted to work in Vietnam, hope could be brought to hundreds instead of fortune to a few’. 6 Others believed Moir’s act set a disturbing precedent. One H. T
migration enthusiasts of the 1940s. Even after 1976, when the Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith acknowledged the inevitability of majority rule, the subsidised migration programme was still funded by the Rhodesian government. From this point, however, more money was allocated to assisted passages than was spent, reflecting a dramatic decrease in migration after the last influx of Portuguese migrants from Mozambique and Angola. 21 These difficulties in recruiting new immigrants made it increasingly difficult for the
be tolerated. Class, too, plays a role in who deserves to feel secure. Najwa realises that she herself has been protected from the forms of insecurity she is currently experiencing through class privilege, recalling herself as a child ‘coming to London every summer – walking into an ice-skating rink in Queensway as if [she] had every right to be there. Money did that. Money gave
, poor food, little money, a harsh British winter in 1918–19), led to confrontations between marooned soldiers and the officers and other ranks in charge of the camps, between different groups of soldiers awaiting transport, as well as between soldiers and the populations of neighbouring towns or cities. At Sling Camp, on Salisbury Plain, Wiltshire, for example, New Zealand troops rioted on 15 March 1919; 43 and at Kinmel Camp, near Rhyl in North Wales, Canadian soldiers were
the stage’. For Curzon, it was as simple as location. He gave no evidence on how Cyprus would counter a French base at Alexandretta, or how Cyprus would protect British interests in Egypt, when it had not in the previous century, beyond him stating that more money should be thrown at redeveloping communications, money which he would not commit to giving. There was also little evidence that should a strong power take Cyprus it would ‘be a menace to the Suez Canal’ and other British interests, such as Palestine and Mesopotamia, and that in British