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Sonja Tiernan

include ‘married families, families that rely on the care of children by members of the extended family, families based on cohabiting couples and [significantly for same-sex couples] civil partnerships’.12 Additionally, the bill sought to address children born through assisted human reproduction and surrogacy. Within weeks, Shatter published the heads of bill; this was a legislative change that he had personally worked on introducing. The Children and Family Relationships Bill went to the Joint Oireachtas Committee for Justice for pre-legislative hearings. In its

in The history of marriage equality in Ireland
A historical and contemporary analysis
Eilís Ward

Oireachtas (hereafter HoO) Report of Joint Committee on Justice, Defence and Equality on hearings and submissions on the review of prostitution legislation (2013). Available at: (accessed 2 September 2021). 2 HoO, Report of Joint Committee

in Legacies of the Magdalen Laundries
Sonja Tiernan

so that three main issues could be further considered. In the first instance, it was deemed pertinent to await the results of the Gilligan and Zappone case to ascertain if the State would indeed recognise their foreign marriage. Secondly, it was agreed to consider the findings of the All-Party Oireachtas Committee on the Constitution which was currently examining articles relating to the family. The Senators expressed a concern that the introduction of a Civil Partnership Bill would directly challenge the meaning of family as defined by the Irish Constitution. A

in The history of marriage equality in Ireland
Tuairim, the government and the Oireachtas
Tomás Finn, accessed on 5 december 2008. each deputy has also been given an office and secretarial assistance. See also maccarthaigh, Accountability, pp. 239, 95; Whyte, Dáil deputies, pp. 16–19. for example, gallagher and komito, ‘The constituency role of dáil deputies’, p. 258. See michael laver, A new electoral system for Ireland? (dublin: policy institute and all party oireachtas committee on the constitution, 1998); maccarthaigh, Accountability, pp. 97–152. See also Sinnott, ‘The rules of the electoral game’, pp. 120–2. dáil Éireann debates, vol. 220, col. 744, ‘military

in Tuairim, intellectual debate and policy formulation
Abstract only
Tuairim and a divided island
Tomás Finn

society argued in its statement that rather than being, as some would claim, a ‘sell-out’, recognition would represent ‘a bargain…[as it] would ease tension, encourage co-operation and purchase a vast amount of goodwill at the small cost of threading on a few out-dated unrealistic toes’. it criticised the lack of consideration that had been given to the most important recommendations, particularly the proposal from the oireachtas committee on the irish constitution to change article 3.87 Tuairim stressed that a majority within northern ireland were in favour of its

in Tuairim, intellectual debate and policy formulation