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The case of Lamine Senghor
David Murphy

trajectory of anti-colonial figures such as Senghor is thus often cast as either a movement from nationalism to Communism or, more typically, its polar opposite – a recognition that Communism had no room for the black experience. Unlike Aimé Césaire or George Padmore, he was not obliged to make a choice between Pan-Africanism and Communism. The experience of Tiémoko Garan Kouyaté, who replaced him as leader of the LDRN and was constantly in conflict with the PCF hierarchy over the next decade, warns us that Senghor may well

in Revolutionary lives of the Red and Black Atlantic since 1917
Carol Polsgrove

already be gathered, but conditions in London were dire, too, and a colour bar there would make accommodation and dining difficult for those attending. At the last minute, the Fifth Pan-African Congress was relocated in the industrial city of Manchester, where Ras Makonnen could provide food at his restaurants and accommodation in the homes of his friends. 2 Considering the challenges of the hour, the

in Ending British rule in Africa
Tennyson S.D. Joseph

, though still embryonic, all conform to James’s expectation of the transcending of Lenin’s vertical, hierarchical, centralised, vanguardist organisational form. However, perhaps because of his mastery of Hegelian-Marxist dialectics, and despite his work and association with Pan-Africanism and Caribbean politics, James is often treated as a ‘European’ thinker, particularly by those who see a conflict between race and class, and between Pan-Africanism and Marxism. This has also arisen because of James’s own avowed

in Revolutionary lives of the Red and Black Atlantic since 1917
Abstract only
Carol Polsgrove

‘When I started I did not know quite the line of approach’, Padmore wrote to Richard Wright in July 1954 about the book he meant to call ‘Black Zionism, Pan-Africanism and Communism’, ‘but it developed as I went along’. Countering Cold War allegations that African independence movements were communist-inspired, he hoped ‘to give a coherent picture of the ideals and

in Ending British rule in Africa
The Pan-African Conference of 1900
Jonathan Schneer

London in 1900 was the imperial metropolis sans pareil, the permanent or temporary home to hundreds of thousands who traced their ancestry to the imperialised territories, the jumping-off place for countless thousands who wished to make a new life abroad, the centre of a government whose decisions influenced the destinies of 400 million people around the globe. This chapter on the Pan-African Conference of 1900 will show that London was also a city shaped by anti-imperialists. 1 It situates the Conference, an

in Imperial cities
Open Access (free)
Bill Schwarz

in 1959, his political passions were mobilised in the cause of Pan-Africanism. He was an intellectual formed deep in the vortex of the age of extremes, and for most of his life he espoused positions which others perceived to be both extreme and fanatical. His politics forced an abrupt separation from the modes of life which an aspiring colonial professional would have anticipated: his future

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain
Sophie Mew

Union Soudanaise stood firmly against French colonial rule and affiliated itself with the Pan-African Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (RDA) set up by Modibo Keïta, mayor of Bamako in 1956. 7 General elections were held across the Sudan in 1956 and won by the RDA and the Union Soudanaise. The PPS joined the Union Soudanaise and RDA in

in Cultures of decolonisation
James W. Ford and the communist push into the Black Atlantic
Holger Weiss

communism and radical pan-Africanism during the interwar period. 21 Most notably, the Comintern Archives include tens of thousands of personal files of members of national communist parties, including James W. Ford. Ford’s personal file in the Comintern Archives includes a ten-page autobiographical sketch. Ford wrote the text in early 1932, presumably while he was sojourning in Moscow and worked at the Comintern headquarters. 22 The production of such texts was a distinctive policy by the Comintern’s International Control

in Global biographies
Abstract only
Overlapping territories, intertwined histories
Felix Driver
David Gilbert

explored by Jonathan Schneer in Chapter 14, which focuses mainly on the first Pan-African Conference of 1900. As Schneer demonstrates, London provided a site – among many others – for the emerging discourse of pan-Africanism. Schneer’s emphasis on the significance of anti-imperial politics in the imperial city has wider implications for interpretations of imperial urbanism. In periods of mass political unrest, spaces which had been consciously designed to symbolise imperial power could also become sites of challenge and

in Imperial cities
Writers in a common cause

Across the continent of Africa, a web of laws silenced African speech. On the eve of World War II, a small, impoverished group of Africans and West Indians in London dared to imagine the end of British rule in Africa. Printing gave oppositions a voice, initially through broadsheets, tracts, pamphlets, later through books and articles. The group launched an anti-colonial campaign that used publishing as a pathway to liberation. These writers included West Indians George Padmore, C. L. R. James, and Ras Makonnen, Kenya's Jomo Kenyatta and Sierra Leone's I. T. A. Wallace Johnson. They formed a part of International African Service Bureau (IASB), and the communists saw them as "generals without an army, they have no base and must depend on their pens". Padmore saw 'trusteeship' as a concept invoked as far back as the late nineteenth-century conferences that divided up Africa. Pan-Africa, a monthly periodical T. Ras Makonnen put out, reported that Richard Wright urged his listeners to form an international network of 'cultured progressives'. Labour-powered nationalism was to Padmore more than a drive for self-government. With the Gold Coast political ground so unsettled, neither Nkrumah nor the Convention People's Party (CPP) made Wright privy to their operations. Inspired by the movement for self-government in British West African colonies, French radicals like Leopold Senghor were rebelling against French political control. In 1969, when a small American publisher reissued A History of Pan-African Revolt , James added to it an epilogue explaining the 'rapid decline of African nationalism'.