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is to say that following independence, African leaders and elites perceived themselves to be members of an “African” international society based on a degree of shared historical experiences and cultural ties. At the core of this notion was the ideology of African nationalism that paved the way to today’s cooperative security framework. Early discourses about African nationalism and identity were based on the concept of Pan-Africanism, which referred to the idea “that all Africans have a spiritual affinity with each other and that, having suffered together in the
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
(committed to a confederal model of African unity) challenged Nkrumah’s Casablanca Group (committed to a federal model of African unity) in the immediate years of independence. With the creation of the Organisation for African Unity, as opposed to the Union of African States, which Nkrumah had espoused, the Monrovia Group succeeded in its ambitions to prevent immediate African unification under a federal agency. Adjacent to this decision, RECs (such as the East African Community championed by Julius Nyerere) came to the fore – to the detriment of pan-African institutions
land in the Horn – of which many Gulf states are short – provides a means of ensuring self-sufficiency in the production of food. Of course, these efforts butt up against a broader pan-African search for food security, albeit the continent faces myriad challenges, not least of which stem from infrastructural and political issues. Similar political, economic, and security challenges are found among the Gulf states, notably in the UAE and Iran, as broader regional activity has come at a price, prompting the Emirates to withdraw from military
partnerships if a post-colonial pan-African strategic ambition remains achievable in practice, and not just on paper. Notes * Alex Vines is Head, Africa Programme, Chatham House and Assistant Professor, Coventry University. Claudia Wallner, during her placement at Chatham House, assisted in providing some research support. This chapter links to two others, referenced where appropriate: ‘To Brexit and beyond: Africa and the United Kingdom’, in D. Nagar and C. Mutasa (eds), Africa and the World
Arab countries were vying for influence on the continent. Mazrui argues that ‘black radical identification with the Arabs’ was because Israel was considered too much a part of the Western world and was connected with White-dominated southern Africa. The pan-Africanism movement had always been inclusive of North Africans, in particular Algerians. Furthermore, Arabs had been major players in movements for Third World liberation and anti-imperialism. 20 Mazrui makes a strong case for African countries breaking off
African states led by Cameroon, Liberia, Nigeria and Togo, which held a meeting in Monrovia on 8–12 May 1961. The ‘Monrovia group’ would soon include 22 African countries. These states were more moderate in their approach towards the Congo. In general, their insistence on pan-Africanism was not as ‘enthusiastic’ as that of the Casablanca group. 107 On 22 July 1961, the Congolese Parliament reconvened