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Prolonged Ebola Outbreak on Measles Elimination Activities in Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone, 2014–2015 ’, Pan African Medical Journal , 35 : Suppl 1 , 8 , doi: 10.11604/pamj.supp.2020.35.1.19059 . 10.11604/pamj.supp.2020.35.1.19059 Morens , D. , Folkers , G. and Fauci , A. ( 2004
vested interests. These diametrically opposed meta-narratives, while both open to criticism, have nonetheless continued to shape debates on the image of Africa in international news. Beyond that, they have played a critical role in ideologically shaping several pan-African media initiatives primarily aimed at contesting and redefining international news narratives on and about the continent. Using pan-African(ist) media initiatives, including Pan-African News Agency (PANA), SABC Africa, and South Africa’s Multichoice Limited as illustrative and
This book explores the evolving African security paradigm in light of the multitude of diverse threats facing the continent and the international community today and in the decades ahead. It challenges current thinking and traditional security constructs as woefully inadequate to meet the real security concerns and needs of African governments in a globalized world. The continent has becoming increasingly integrated into an international security architecture, whereby Africans are just as vulnerable to threats emanating from outside the continent as they are from home-grown ones. Thus, Africa and what happens there, matters more than ever. Through an in-depth examination and analysis of the continent’s most pressing traditional and non-traditional security challenges—from failing states and identity and resource conflict to terrorism, health, and the environment—it provides a solid intellectual foundation, as well as practical examples of the complexities of the modern African security environment. Not only does it assess current progress at the local, regional, and international level in meeting these challenges, it also explores new strategies and tools for more effectively engaging Africans and the global community through the human security approach.
is to say that following independence, African leaders and elites perceived themselves to be members of an “African” international society based on a degree of shared historical experiences and cultural ties. At the core of this notion was the ideology of African nationalism that paved the way to today’s cooperative security framework. Early discourses about African nationalism and identity were based on the concept of Pan-Africanism, which referred to the idea “that all Africans have a spiritual affinity with each other and that, having suffered together in the
acting as a ‘museum without walls’ ( Malraux, 1947: 7 ). Contemporary Ethiopian art reflects realities facing individuals and offers a more tangible way of building understanding and sharing knowledge than imperial campaign traditions. Whilst African nations at the brink of independence found common ground in pan-African theories that aimed to revise imposed histories of colonialist powers, Ethiopia escaped this trajectory, a fact which helped establish it as the political capital of Africa. Emperor Haile Selassie with the then Foreign Minister Ketema Yifru played key
images of the whole continent. George Ogola writes about the difficulties of setting up pan-African television networks that can encompass the continent, and explores the possibilities of alternative ways of conceiving the continent through more diffused images. He asks, how can ‘Africa’ be defined? Can political ideas of the continent – focusing on pan-Africanism, for example – do more than offer a static, flattened image? Ogola turns to the Africa served up by Nollywood, and suggests that its strength lies in its ability to convey many Africas that are open to
objective was to end British rule in India and therefore, his views and opinions on other struggles in other parts of the world may or may not be worth noting. However, his participation in the anti-apartheid movement is worth noting, as it was there that, for the first time, he used his technique of non-violent resistance. In 1945, the fifth Pan-African Congress endorsed Gandhian passive resistance as the preferred method for resistance to colonialism in Africa, however, after the Sharpeville massacre of 1960 many Africans, including leaders of the African National
support ONUC through 1962–1963 had already been made, and crucially, almost all other Security Council members, including the US, supported the military action. For their part, African states meeting at the Pan-African Freedom Movement of East and Central Africa (PAFMECA) conference in Léopoldville denounced Macmillan’s attempts to undermine the UN action and British manoeuvres to further entrench foreign interests in Katanga.116 As Tshombe retreated to the Rhodesian border, he threatened to resort to a scorched earth policy by blowing up mining facilities at
African group became divided between the Casablanca Group (who were vehemently opposed to any manifestation of neo-colonialism in Africa and sought a Pan-African union) and the Monrovia Group (who, while also anti-colonial, believed in more moderate forms of cooperation) the larger Afro-Asian bloc now 48 48 The diplomacy of decolonisation became internally divided as to the best course of action in the Congo. Some states, such as Ghana, Guinea, Mali and the United Arab Republic, were adamant that Lumumba remained the legitimate Prime Minister and continued to
ideas more attuned to pan-African and Third World concerns than to those of US leaders. This inability to maintain a tight focus on national identities and priorities caused the program to be shut down in 1978. 59 The CU jazz tours followed the Cold War hot spots. The 1956 Dizzy Gillespie tour began in Iran and culminated in Turkey, Yugoslavia, and Greece, with stops in Syria and the US military allies Pakistan and Lebanon. The Gillespie and the Dave Brubeck trip in 1958 moved through the Eisenhower conception of a ‘perimeter defence’ against the Soviet Union