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patients returned to their homes and started their lives again outside the hospital walls that both protected and restricted them. The patients’ reflections – mostly collected two to three years after their discharge – are presented in this chapter. Victims of war and the notion of the quality of life When exploring the participants’ daily lives, the concept of the quality of life
and management 4 (19), hospital support 5 (20), paramedical 6 (20), medical 7 (27), and surgical 8 (13). The focus of the interviews was on participants’ views on their professional role in relation to patients, their personal experiences with the patients and their perceptions of different patient groups (adults vs. children
10 Working ethnographically with sensor data Dawn Nafus This chapter is primarily about methods. I work in Intel Labs, the research and development organisation at Intel. Since 2007, I have been asking research participants to collect digital data about themselves, and giving it back to them in forms designed to stimulate conversation. I invite participants to reflect on data as matters of concern, not matters of fact (Latour 2004), and they largely respond in this spirit. Much like the chapter from Powell (Chapter 9 above), and in the spirit of the broader turn
medical care; and others, in an attempt to protect their own emotional wellbeing, avoided hearing more than what they perceived was absolutely necessary for medical decision-making. Inevitably, the heaviness of what my participants reported on touched the world of human emotions. Hearing patient stories, particularly the way they framed them, provided insight. Their stories were statements on the brutality
occurrence over time of processes of heritagisation. In response to the primarily sonorous qualities of this event, listening has been a principal research method. In contrast to what usually happens in other rituals involving bells around the period of Carnival in Europe, in San Mauro the cowbells are not used to create a clash of chaotic clangs but rather a series of regular rhythmic sequences. The participants wear a costume but do not mask their faces. In existing research on festivals involving humans and animal bells, the role of face masks and of sonic chaos has
participants in political conflicts regularly reframe what others experience as injustice in morally positive terms, in their attempts to achieve their own agendas. I draw most centrally from his 1996 The Witch Hunt: Or, the Triumph of Morality , in which Bailey documents how key participants in a conflict in the village of Bisipara ended up framing the persecution of one man as a positive act in support of the
to celebrate New Year’s Eve in Cologne the following year (Dübbers, 2019 : 16). The study conducted on New Year’s Eve 2017 and complemented by interviews with participants and other actors thereafter made it clear that criminal behaviour during that subsequent year could not be related to people from only one geographical region, but was due to a variety of factors, such as
public exhibition of emotion, sport became a space where this was tolerated. One reading of Bakhtin (1984) is that the carnivalesque permits the transgression of social norms, which return to normal after the carnival. Yet the liminal space is not dispassionate and ahistorical. The participants in the ritual are now acquainted through their participation and new ways of acting, and they form new relationships (Turner, 1974; [1969] 1997). Misogynistic views do not automatically dissipate upon fans’ return from the stadium, as the figures documenting the rates of
initiated an encounter on the street or entered migrants’ living or working spaces during raids. In Kazan, our research team had the opportunity to conduct participant observation of the professional life of the police lower ranks in two different departments: local police and patrol guards. The observation took place from February to July 2007 and was conducted by three female
exchanges thus shows an affirmation of the migration regime’s power that manifests through bureaucratic practices of a threefold translation, but that often remains hidden by the formal consent of those affected by deportation practices and conveyed by signed forms. The presented data derives from participant observation in a Swiss cantonal police unit and two Swiss migration