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into the formal labour market, repeating a global pattern that is also persistent in other migratory flows. The project was developed at the Reference Center for Migrants and Refugees at the Federal University of Roraima (UFRR), in the framework of the programme ‘Portuguese as a Reception Language’, which provided a technology lab equipped with twenty computers with internet access and a children’s room to receive the children of the project participants. The institutions
unfolded among actual and potential trial participants. Research participants are rarely involved in ethical debates in which they are so centrally implicated: but to understand the complexity of medical research, it is crucial to ‘recognise its study subjects as interlocutors in ongoing global ethics debates, not as mere objects of ethical responsibility’ ( Geissler and Pool, 2006 : 975). We adopt an anthropological approach which examines the lived experience of ‘postcolonial techno
(characterised by many participants as #AidToo), with a focus on British organisations. I argue that the aid industry exists in a historical, social and political space that is particularly volatile when it comes to sexual abuse, harassment and assault. The power hierarchies of the industry make it difficult to call out this abuse and easy to cover it up – powerful men are protected by their image as humanitarian saviours and enabled by organisations that rely on public goodwill for
is that such a case illustrates a Rwandan way of communicating that only makes sense when one takes into account the dialectic of speech/silence as discussed in the previous section. Indeed, one could say that ‘the truth was out there’ that day, in some expressive form, situated in the midst of the participants in that particular gacaca session. The trial participants on that hill that day deterritorialised the gacaca assemblage in their way. In doing so, they deterritorialised the assemblage when looked at from the perspective of its design. They
-first century, particularly the normalisation of crisis and displacement and the recurrent themes of food security, famine and drought. Each session was introduced by brief reflections from two practitioners and an academic, followed by a guided open discussion, bringing in participants from the floor and lasting approximately an hour and a half in each case. Brief outlines of the session themes, including questions for reflection, were circulated
March to May 2017. The number of interviews is small because of the difficulty of talking to locals about their understanding of foreign concepts. To avoid alienating the participants by making them feel they did not know the ‘right answer’, our study focused on a general discussion about the household’s post-disaster recovery. In addition, a great deal of time was spent to build rapport with the respondents to make them feel comfortable and at ease when discussing their experience of Haiyan and their understanding of humanitarian interventions. Figure 1: Map
-campus pilot with 100 Syrian participants to a nationwide programme reaching more than 3000 young adults in five centres across Lebanon over six years. According to the WFP, the DST is one of its initial Empowerment in Action (EMPACT) programmes that ‘connects food-insecure youth to the global digital economy’ ( WFP, 2020 ) leveraging on it to ‘build the resilience of urban, displaced, and landless or land-poor households’. 1 The location of each centre
inclusion (i.e. incorporation into existing, mainstream financial systems on the same terms as host populations). In response to various exclusions, refugees accepted jobs illegally, registered for financial accounts with borrowed IDs or purchased PayPal accounts online. Sometimes these behaviours are cited as creative, resilient workarounds ( Shepherd et al. , 2020 ; Omeje and Mwangi, 2014 ), but they often increased research participants
five geographical locations: Rumbek, Torit, Malualkon, Bor and Kapoeta (Lakes State, Eastern Equatoria State, Northern Bahr el Ghazal State, Jonglei State and Eastern Equatoria State, respectively). These locations represent priorities for SCI’s work in South Sudan. In addition, some key informants were from South Sudan’s capital, Juba. The quantitative survey was designed using the Likert scale structure, inviting participants to respond to a series of statements by answering if they strongly agree, agree, are neutral, disagree or strongly disagree. Based on
that all individuals from refugee backgrounds were poor and/or illiterate in their countries of origin. More importantly, she demonstrates that, through their engagement in digital technology, they are not passive subjects; they continuously exercise their agency. Leung meticulously documents the her participants’ journeys from their countries of origin to their detention or resettlement in Australia. Throughout the book, she provides a vivid personal account of her interaction with them. She