Search results
persisted in some quarters in the nineteenth century (some said it would help worshippers identify with disaster sufferers), abstinence was rare once the ‘fast day’ came to be understood later in the century not as a day without food and drink, but as a moment when the individual implored God’s intervention or sought better understanding of divine purposes through attendance at church, private prayer and personal acts of penitence. 105 Sermons also guided participants on how they should respond emotionally to great
would have claimed a feminist identity but in their words and deeds, and in their efforts to live an authentic religious life, they merged their Catholic faith with a more ‘emancipated’ religious life. Jacqueline deVries has noted that feminist scholars’ (many of them participants of second-wave feminism) insistence on religion as ‘a monolithic site of antifeminist resistance and a potent source of patriarchal oppression’ had shut the door on the nuances of alternative feminisms that were reflected in the first suffrage movement. What she and others maintain was
centrality of gender to discussions about and within contemporary Catholicism. 3 Unlike Brown’s ‘secularising’ sample, the interview participants for this project all identified as Catholic believers in one way or another. Of course, this ‘Catholic’ identity meant different things to different interviewees. There will be no attempt to judge the ‘legitimacy’ of the interviewees’ claims to Catholicism; their
and nuns who contacted me had self-selected, and I interviewed every volunteer. 41 Though some of the women religious had been community leaders, most were ‘ordinary’ nuns and sisters. Interviews took place throughout England, typically in the sister’s residence. Table 0.2 identifies the date of entry of the cohort of participants. It is important to note, given the majority of interviewees entered in the 1950s and 1960s, that the narrators were (in the main) not leaders and decision-makers during the tumultuous time of renewal. I also interviewed some former
. Much of the early scholarship written by academic participant-observers and informed by their recollections and experiences emphasises the ‘clash of contestation’; this contrasts with those that suggest some collaboration and ‘measured judgement’. Arthur Marwick weighs in by emphasising the ‘rational, tolerant’ voices that contributed to the cultural revolution of the long 1960s. 10 Historian Maud Anne Bracke suggests the ‘memory battles’ have led to a ‘fetishization’ of ‘1968’. 11 She suggests an overreliance on a series of national 1968s (situated in
ceremony. The mother superior represented the congregation. She presented the novice to the bishop and subsequently received her into the congregation. She directed the novice to the altar and to the bishop, who questioned her. The superior also had a voice in this ceremony. She directed the novice to ‘Offer to God the sacrifice of praise.’ She charged the novice to rise after she was sprinkled with holy water, then embraced her. As mother superior, she received the act of profession from the novice.86 The roles played out by the three major participants were 83 AAL
local government. 12 Some were sporty, and thus emblematic of youth and freedom. 13 English Modern Girls were more multidimensional than the historiography on consumption would have us believe; they were participants in the modern world. Visual representations of this Modern Girl were ubiquitous in cinemas, magazines and advertisements linking her to popular culture through the lenses of social class, ethnicity, sexuality, femininity and age. Magazine covers emphasised ‘youth, liberation, mobility, fun’ attending to the female body as the site of modernity
it seemed to those brought up in the system that to question one part of it was to question all of it, and that to pick and choose among its moral imperatives, flouting those which were inconveniently difficult, was simply hypocritical. 1 Lodge, both observer and participant of Catholic
These training efforts were financially supported by the Catholic Poor School Committee, which awarded a grant of £30 to subsidise each participant in teacher training.30 The efforts of religious congregations prior to 1856 had focused on developing internal teacher training programmes. Lay Catholic women interested in teaching had no option but to obtain training at non-Catholic teacher training colleges.31 At the instigation of the Catholic Poor School Committee, the Sisters of Notre Dame agreed to open Our Lady’s, a teacher training college for Catholic women in
participants in my oral history research did not always remember their youthful innocence as an active choice, but often worked to discredit the idea that it was imposed upon them: This idea that we were poor little girls being forced into our white dresses. As I said, I knew that girls at other schools were different, they would talk about sexy things