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hairdresser. A common experience that emerges from her story, and that of all other Hill district participants with more than a couple of decades of employment history, is of deindustrialisation, forced occupation changes and increasingly temporary work, or ‘precarity’, as Standing describes it ( 2011 ). Several of the male participants started out in factories or breweries doing stable, sometimes skilled, jobs and ended up driving lorries or cabs, often on an increasingly low-paid, self-employed basis. Elliott, now 76, experienced a drop in status and security of his
that emerged: an understanding of ‘the economy’ as to some extent formal, but with reservations, from high-income Church district, and an understanding of it as rigged from low-income Hill district. In the second section I attempt explanations for them. I argue that participants see ‘the economy’ through the lenses of their own experience, and that the experiences that are most important are economic, such as income levels, rather than those relating to gender or age. I argue that income shapes underlying understandings of ‘the economy’ even when people have
patients returned to their homes and started their lives again outside the hospital walls that both protected and restricted them. The patients’ reflections – mostly collected two to three years after their discharge – are presented in this chapter. Victims of war and the notion of the quality of life When exploring the participants’ daily lives, the concept of the quality of life
their answers. Hill district ‘I’m not sure about trading’ Several Hill district participants say they do not understand much about trade. Jean’s only response to my question is to talk about whether there are foreign tomatoes in the shops. Misha (a non-voter but Remain supporter in her thirties), says ‘I don’t really know much about it’. Adam (a Remain voter in his thirties), says he knows nothing about trade even though in the rest of his interview he talks about how Brexit will damage the motor manufacturing sector’s prospects; he does not connect the two
political. She talks fast, expressing an underlying anger that alternates with despair. The other Hill district participants I interview are sometimes less confident, but many of them share her perception of ‘the economy’ as rigged, where ‘the rich write the rules’ (Misha, in her thirties). In contrast, (high-income) Church district’s Michael talks about ‘the economy’ in more benign terms. I’m also very conscious that … the economy is very important. It matters a lot in our lives in all sorts of ways. Healthcare, social care and education and so on. And therefore I
This scene sets the stage for subsequent chapters. It includes two parts: first, it introduces the basic elements of the current British citizenisation process. Second, it details the fieldwork conducted for this study. The latter provides not only information about the type of material gathered and a general profile of participants, but the contextualisation of the fieldwork also adds more information to the citizenisation process itself, and the people and spaces that populate the waiting room of citizenship. British
and management 4 (19), hospital support 5 (20), paramedical 6 (20), medical 7 (27), and surgical 8 (13). The focus of the interviews was on participants’ views on their professional role in relation to patients, their personal experiences with the patients and their perceptions of different patient groups (adults vs. children
I introduced some participants in Chapter 1 . Diane and Misha came from one part of the city I call Hill district and Rachel from Church district. In this chapter I introduce the districts and describe the methods I used to conduct the fieldwork this book is based on. The approach to gathering knowledge I use is interpretivist and the methodology is to research with an ethnographic sensibility. For readers unfamiliar with ethnographic methods or wanting to read more, I have included additional detail about the methods in the Appendix. For readers not
because you’re so happy to count the money you’re getting in your hand. I’ve been trapped in it for years and years and years… I can’t see a way out of it. (Linda, in her fifties, Hill district) You mustn’t be a spendthrift, you need to be quite careful and sure… I don’t agree with people being in a lot of debt and I do think, these days, people want things that they can’t have. (Rachel, in her fifties, Church district) These two extracts reveal a divide in what low- and high-income participants believe about personal debt. For Linda, payday loan-style debt
Council. We first look at how debates around the ‘science–policy interface’ manifest themselves more generally. When is discussion of scientific knowledge (or the presence/autonomy of scientists) given weight at the high-political level? Turning to indigenous diplomacy, we analyse and categorise Permanent Participants’ diplomatic interventions in the Arctic Council (which is, of course, just one stage upon which the multifaceted politics of indigenous sovereignty is enacted). In the concluding section, I discuss a concept borrowed from science and technology studies