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Between liberal philhellenism and imperialism
Andrekos Varnava

(London: Cassell, 1981). 51 Malak Badrawi, Political Violence in Egypt, 1910–1924: Secret Societies, Plots and Assassinations (Richmond: Curzon, 2000). 52 Iliya Marovich-Old, ‘Nationalism as resistance to colonialism: A comparative look at Malta and Cyprus from 1919–1940’, in

in Exiting war
Sarukhan’s al-Masri Effendi cartoons in the first half of the 1930s
Keren Zdafee

caricatured representations of everyman . However, one can ask if the state of colonial modernity to which he was subjected should not have driven him ‘into action’ in the caricatured world, in accordance with the political and social context in which he appeared. Governmental coercion and popular opposition characterised the first half of the 1930s, which resulted in hundreds of deaths and thousands wounded. 66 In this context of political violence, young men, particularly students (i.e. effendi s), were seen as

in Comic empires
Nicola Ginsburgh

a close, the brutality of the Rhodesian state intensified in response to challenges to settler power. 161 Jocelyn Alexander described these last years of Federation as ‘the worst political violence since conquest’. 162 As the Southern Rhodesian ANC gained supporters, a state of emergency sought to suppress nationalist organisation. The National Democratic Party replaced the banned ANC in 1960 and in the same year African discontent erupted in the Zhii riots spread throughout urban areas. 163 The government used public order acts to restrict trade union

in Class, work and whiteness
Nicola Ginsburgh

: I. B. Taurus , 1994 ), p. 34 ; David Welsh , ‘ Right-Wing Terrorism in South Africa ’, Terrorism and Political Violence , 7 : 1 ( 1995 ), p. 251 . 10 Danelle van Zyl-Hermann, ‘White Workers and South Africa’s Democratic Transition, 1977–2011’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014), pp. 14–15, 78. 11 Mtisi et al. , ‘UDI Period’, p. 137; Godwin and Hancock, Rhodesians Never Die , p. 25. 12 P. A. Hardwick , ‘ Journey-to-Work Patterns in Salisbury, Rhodesia: The Contrast between Africans and Europeans ’, Journal of

in Class, work and whiteness
Charles Townshend

of force was insignificant alongside the global war of 1914–18, but was high by British domestic standards. The government tried to ride it out for several years, in part because of an abstract repudiation of political violence, but in greater part because of a concrete dislike of Sinn Féin’s demands. Sinn Féin began as a movement of non-violent civil resistance aiming to secure a dual monarchy on

in Policing and decolonisation
Abstract only
James Whidden

’. The first of these was the consumption of hashish and opium, secondly prostitution, and thirdly political violence, each regarded as evils that reflected particularly badly upon the British as a ‘ruling race’. Race and sex were connected because of the perceived threat posed by the marriage of British women to Egyptian men, and, more notoriously, the white slave trade that marketed Europeans to the

in Egypt
The Rif war, the Syrian rebellion, Yen Bay and the Kongo Wara
Martin Thomas

in Syria until a major escalation of political violence beginning with a general strike in January 1936 unblocked the path to treaty talks. 96 Rebellion in Indochina: the Yen Bay mutiny and its aftermath On 10 February 1930 Vietnamese infantrymen of the Yen Bay garrison on the Red River north-west of Hanoi mutinied, killing two French

in The French empire between the wars
Neville Kirk

”: Russian Radicals in Australia and the Red Flag Riots’, in John McNair and Thomas Poole (eds), Russia and the Fifth Continent: Aspects of Russian-Australian Relations (St Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1992), pp. 126–71; Don. W. Rawson, ‘Political Violence in Australia’, Dissent: A Radical Quarterly , 22 (Autumn 1968), 18–27. 8 See, for example, Englander, ‘National Union’, 27–28; Argus , 24 July 1919. The volatility and

in Labour and the politics of Empire
Patterns of policing in the European empires during the depression years
Martin Thomas

forces almost everywhere: their struggle to contain organised political opposition to imperial control. In this interpretation, policing and political violence are symbiotically linked. 31 Both fed off each other with increasing appetite as resistance to colonial incursion persisted or, to telescope forward to the post-1945 years, as the momentum for decolonisation increased. Colonial policing was necessarily political

in Writing imperial histories
Martin Thomas

its ultimate climax. His personal journey from committed nationalist to world-weary sceptic traced the same arc followed by official statements, which eventually retreated from their unbending support for a French Algeria to the acceptance of divorce. Third and finally, Feraoun’s testimony confirms that the way political violence was experienced and the way it was represented were two sides of the

in Rhetorics of empire