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Jordan S. Downs

Chapter 3 focuses on the politics of the winter of 1642–3, a phase of the civil war that is normally defined in terms of a “peace party” supremacy in the House of Commons and the ultimate failure of official peace negotiations between the Long Parliament and the king known as “The Treaty of Oxford.” This chapter looks instead at a quiet but crucially important diplomatic mission sent from Common Council to the king in late December 1642. The aftermath of this deputation, which unraveled from January 1643 until the late spring and included Charles I’s call for the arrest of seven leading Londoners, and in particular the civic leaders Isaac Pennington, John Venn, Randall Mainwaring, and John Fowke, radically rearticulated London’s relationship to parliament’s war effort. The political manipulation of “the attempt on the seven Londoners,” spearheaded by the accused and their allies in parliament, ushered in a period of unprecedented popular mobilization. This included the introduction of radical new propositions for an alliance between parliament and the City, the pursuit of coordinated iconoclasm, the introduction of radical metropolitan policing methods, the raising of auxiliaries, demands for new loans, and the construction of the Lines of Communication, eleven miles of fortifications built around London, Westminster, and Southwark. Chapter 3 explores how winter 1642–3 – and a previously poorly understood period of London’s wartime narrative – led to a moment of unprecedented action, a time when London’s Common Council behaved like “a third house of parliament,” a body eager to implement its radical agenda.

in Civil war London
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Memories past, present and future
Claire Gorrara

 war memories which emphasises  continuity  rather  than  rupture.  There  is  continuity  in  themes  and  preoccupations,  for  example  the  post-war  politicalmanipulations  of a resistance legacy or the suffering and hardship of life under occupation, as well as continuity of production; research shows a steady flow of  publications over the post-war period with peaks and troughs which can  be attributed to the visibility of memory discourses of war more generally in the public domain. Indeed, the patterns of publication in French  crime  fiction  about  the

in French crime fiction and the Second World War
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Alice Garner and Diane Kirkby

outspokenly critical of his own government’s tendency to confuse intellectual exchange with political manipulation. There were plenty of USIS officers, for example, who saw their role as seeking to influence Australians to embrace a US-​style approach to trade unions, business management and trade (among other things). Some might ask therefore whether there is evidence that sixty-​plus years of Fulbright exchanges have simply resulted in American domination of Australia, and that facilitating academic exchange with the United States has not served Australia’s own interests

in Academic ambassadors, Pacific allies
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Robert Lister Nicholls

pursue vigorous forms of political manipulation and propaganda to achieve its objectives. As politics is highly influenced by transient events, a temporal perspective is required, because the power of the political elite and its responsiveness to public opinion changes over time. This is particularly the case with Britain's membership of the Common Market, because the issue of Britain in Europe presents itself as a political issue differently in each of the decades from the 1950s to the present time. This book, however, merely discusses a twenty

in The British political elite and Europe, 1959–1984
Christopher Duggan

the intrigues of political opponents and would-be assassins’ bullets and bombs, was remarkable. To what extent was this transition the result of conscious political manipulation by the Partito Nazionale Fascista (PNF) or, more broadly, by journalists, writers and other supporters, eager to find new sources of legitimacy after the parliamentary pillar had been knocked away? Or was it rather, as Emilio Gentile has argued, a product of Fascism’s intrinsically transcendental character, a spontaneous emanation largely from below of a movement that now found itself free

in The cult of the Duce
K. Healan Gaston

Royal, 1492 and All That: Political Manipulations of History (Washington, DC: Ethics and Public Policy Center, 1992). 28 Wilfred M. McClay, ‘Religion in Post-Secular America’, in Martin Halliwell and Catherine Morley (eds), American Thought and Culture in the 21st Century (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2008), pp. 127–8. 29 Ibid., p. 128. 30 Ibid. 31 Ibid., pp. 139, 134

in Post-everything
Outbreak anxieties in the United States from the colonies to COVID-19
Amy Lauren Fairchild, Constance A. Nathanson, and Cullen Conway

the use of fear to manipulate with hyperbolic or untruthful misrepresentation that made authentic judgment impossible. Philosophers who weighed the threat of chronic diseases were not uniformly hostile to fear. This was noteworthy given widespread scepticism about the Cold War political manipulation of panic and fear that had emerged by the 1960s, the new health consensus that fear always backfired, and, significantly, the ascendency of autonomy as the pre-eminent value in ethical analyses of the clinical relationship in the years after the Nuremberg Trials and

in Medicalising borders
Giuliana Chamedes

Materialism, 1871–1900 , Hayes had argued that American liberalism had cast aside Christian teachings and become increasingly secular and materialistic. In the process, it had put too much faith in democracy and nationalism, making itself thus vulnerable to political manipulation. In place of hyper-nationalism and the cult of democracy, Hayes advocated a return to Catholic principles and politics. Similar points were raised by Hoffman, in his 1945 speech before the United States Catholic Historical Association. Hoffman delivered the keynote at the

in The TransAtlantic reconsidered
Exhibiting the Great War in Australia, 1917–41
Jennifer Wellington

’, I refer to ‘lived experience’, or simply the physical fact of living one’s life in a specific place and time. I am aware that the possibility of understanding the soldier’s experience was certainly contested at the time – many soldiers believing that it was impossible for civilians to comprehend the experience of the soldier. George Mosse eloquently describes this and its political manipulation as the ‘Myth of the War Experience’ in Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars (New York: Oxford

in Curating empire
William J. Bulman

Islam. ‘Under the pretense of religion’, Addison wrote, ‘he designed an empire; and he was a prophet in show, but a tyrant in project.’ Indeed, Muhammad’s political manipulation of religious truth was so similar to political puritanism that for Addison, the Prophet’s only rival as ‘the only great impostor that ever continued so long prosperous in the world’ was Oliver Cromwell. Muhammad ‘so well managed his ambition and injustice, under the cloak of religion, as never any have yet proved his equal’, wrote Addison. ‘The nearest and most exact transcript of this great

in Making the British empire, 1660–1800