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The politics of modernisation and manipulation
Author: Timothy Heppell

This book provides a new and distinctive interpretation on the political strategy of David Cameron as leader of the Conservative Party and Prime Minister. Rather than offering a chronological overview of his leadership, or a policy-based approach, the book assesses Cameronism via two themes – modernisation and manipulation. In terms of the modernisation the book will examine the following. First, how Cameron attempted to detoxify the negative image of the Conservatives. Second, how Cameron sought to delegitimise Labour as a party of government by deflecting the blame on austerity onto the legacy of Labour in office. Third, how Cameron used the Big Society narrative as a means of reducing the perceived responsibilities of the state. In terms of manipulation the book will evaluate Cameronism in relation to coalition government, and the exploitation of the Liberal Democrats will be examined, notably in relation to austerity, tuition fees and electoral reform. Cameronism will also be examined in relation the challenges to the existing political order by considering the demands for Scottish independence, and the rise of UKIP and the case for a referendum on continued European Union membership. Through this dual emphasis on modernisation and manipulation the book will provide an exploration of the key events and issues that defined the premiership of David Cameron, and a clear overview of his successes and failures as leader of the Conservative Party and Prime Minister. The book will be essential reading to those interested in British party politics and prime ministerial leadership.

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Timothy Heppell

consider Cameron in relation to manipulation, thus building on the ideas first advanced in Heppell ( 2013a ). This second part of the book is clearly influenced by the work of Riker and the theory of heresthetics (see, for example, Riker, 1982 , 1984 , 1986 ; see also McLean, 2001 , 2002 and Hay, 2009 for wider discussions about heresthetics). Heresthetics is the art of political manipulation. It

in Cameron
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Aaron Edwards

’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 18, No. 4 (October 1995), pp. 773–96. 6 These ‘new parties’ include: the Democratic Unionist Party, founded in October 1971; the Social Democratic and Labour Party, founded in August 1970; and the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland, founded in April 1970. 7 Northern Ireland Political Collection, Linenhall Library, Belfast (NIPC), NILP Box 1, ‘Internal NILP Memorandum’, 14 March 1987. 8 Pringle, D.G., ‘Electoral Systems and Political Manipulation: A Case Study

in A history of the Northern Ireland Labour Party
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Robert Lister Nicholls

pursue vigorous forms of political manipulation and propaganda to achieve its objectives. As politics is highly influenced by transient events, a temporal perspective is required, because the power of the political elite and its responsiveness to public opinion changes over time. This is particularly the case with Britain's membership of the Common Market, because the issue of Britain in Europe presents itself as a political issue differently in each of the decades from the 1950s to the present time. This book, however, merely discusses a twenty

in The British political elite and Europe, 1959–1984
Meir Hatina

dramatic events attested to the Middle East as an integral part of the global village in terms of its exposure to modern technology, communication networks, and Western ideas. The young generation, which had known only revolutionary-centrist regimes in the second half of the twentieth century, emerged as a social actor in the 2011 events. Many angry young people protested against restrictions on individual liberties and political manipulation and expressed frustration over the severe economic distress of the population. In the boulevards and

in Arab liberal thought in the modern age
Edward Ashbee

, the government-sponsored enterprises Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, which securitized mortgages) and in some cases what they see as the political manipulation of the interest rate that led to the misallocation of investment funds and the incessant fuelling of an asset bubble. There is also a growing literature (much of it also lying on the divide between analysis and polemic) considering, to paraphrase the much-cited phrase from the Sherlock Holmes stories, the case of the dog that didn’t bark. Why, these studies ask, did the crisis fail to generate more sustained and

in The Right and the recession
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Patronage and permissiveness
Duncan Wheeler

states of Western Europe, and can only be explained amongst us for the legacy, still not resolved after six years of political transition, of a totalitarian regime. The Constitution made no explicit reference to television. 43 The PSOE had been unequivocal in opposition: accusations of political manipulation and corruption at RTVE underpinned a vote of no confidence in 1980, 44 Guerra citing a list of cases from the preceding two years, claiming censorship with the UCD to be worse than under Franco. 45

in Following Franco
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Coalition unity and the exploitation of the Liberal Democrats
Timothy Heppell

, when we consider heresthetics, or the art of political manipulation, we can legitimately argue that Cameron performed well in terms of exploiting the Liberal Democrats. This is not unusual. The comparative politics academic literature on coalitions shows that exploitation of the junior coalition partners regularly happens (see Bolleyer, 2008 ; Dunphy and Bale, 2011 ). That literature tells us that the Liberal

in Cameron
The London left and the 1984–85 miners’ strike
Diarmaid Kelliher

. S. McGrail and V. Patterson, ‘For as Long as It Takes!’: Cowie Miners in the Strike, 1984–5 (self-published pamphlet, 1985), p. 32; B. Heathfield, ‘Women of the Coalfields’ (unpublished book draft, 1985), p. 30, TWL/7BEH/1/2; ‘What Did You Do in the Strike, Mum?’, Spare Rib, 151, February (1985), p 7. Tariq Ali argued that unlike the 1930s when disaffected young miners would have joined the CP, there was no obvious equivalent in the 1980s. Ali, untitled article, Time Out, p. 8. The Economic League, ‘Special Report. Ruthless, Cunning and Contemptuous: Political

in Waiting for the revolution
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The growth of terrorism and counterterrorism in Nigeria, 1999–2016
Jennifer Giroux and Michael Nwankpa

cent by replacing the Oil Minerals Producing Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC) with the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), such measures failed to address the larger issues of oil exploitation, underdevelopment and environmental degradation. 51 By 2002, as JAS emerged in the north, years of political manipulation, poor community engagement practices within the oil industry, and communal and ethnic conflicts had encouraged the formation of armed groups and arms proliferation in the Niger Delta. On the one hand, this led to an increase in threats

in Non-Western responses to terrorism