This book explores contemporary urban experiences connected to practices of sharing and collaboration. Part of a growing discussion on the cultural meaning and the politics of urban commons, it uses examples from Europe and Latin America to support the view that a world of mutual support and urban solidarity is emerging today in, against, and beyond existing societies of inequality. In such a world, people experience the potentialities of emancipation activated by concrete forms of space commoning. By focusing on concrete collective experiences of urban space appropriation and participatory design experiments this book traces differing, but potentially compatible, trajectories through which common space (or space-as-commons) becomes an important factor in social change. In the everydayness of self-organized neighborhoods, in the struggles for justice in occupied public spaces, in the emergence of “territories in resistance,” and in dissident artistic practices of collaborative creation, collective inventiveness produces fragments of an emancipated society.
activity of voting or legislating or protesting, and includes everything from informal debates and discussions to practices of consumption and the mundane activities of everyday life. 12 Why a spatial contract ? The term ‘spatial contract’ is a reference to one of the bestknown concepts in Western political thought: the social contract. The philosophical notion of the social contract, which goes back at least to Thomas Hobbes, is a justification of political authority. The social contract understood in this tradition provides the moral and
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gender analysis into debates about race and class in social and political thought. They sought new practices and epistemologies that made multiple the understandings of identities. These black women activists were concerned with using intelligence to address real and obdurate problems through collective inquiry and action in order to change the oppressive and discriminatory conditions of life reinforcing the embodied ignorances addressed above. By joining an intersectional analysis with American pragmatism around the concepts of experience, complex social
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mutated into an iron law that dominates political thought. ‘Neoliberalism’s greatest legacy,’ Naomi Klein warns us, is that ‘the realisation of its bleak vision has isolated us enough from each other that it became possible to convince us that we are not just incapable of self-preservation but fundamentally not worth saving .’ 59 Hers is not nearly the bleakest reading. ‘Activists,’ says Amitav Ghosh in The Nutmeg’s Curse , ‘have long sought to appeal to the conscience of the privileged by emphasising the message
Italian political thought of the 1970s, the term multitude tries to describe a new phase in the composition of the working classes. Based on the Marxian legacy according to which working conditions and relations of production actually shape the collective subjects which challenge capitalism, the multitude appears to be the specific form of collective subject which corresponds to the contemporary phase of this socio-economic system. There seems to be a crucial interpretative problem at the center of the multitude argument that directly affects the understanding and
‘yeoman democracy’ of informal networks of trust (Piore, 1990; Sabel, 1992). The emergence of the ‘network society’ (Castells, 1996) has been heralded by some as the harbinger of individual autonomy and freedom in the workplace (Negroponte, 1995). In these representations, political thought, action, conflict and contestation are institutionalised phenomena; they are contained by ideological positions, party politics and formalised industrial relations. As a result, it is held that once the embedded norms of the perceived past era have been totally displaced by ‘new’ and