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Germany in American post-war International Relations
Felix Rösch

led to this ‘silencing’. How was it possible that their German intellectual socialisation that continued to inform their political thought became overlooked and indeed no longer even realised? It is argued that German émigrés and American International Relations (IR) constitute a case of successful integration. Before this argument is further expounded, it has to be acknowledged that émigré scholars partly caused this silencing themselves. After their forced emigration, they were at pains to adjust their research and teaching to the different intellectual and

in Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks
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Zoltán Gábor Szűcs

The introduction explains how the book has grown out of two interconnected concerns: empirically, a current global wave of de-democratization that led to the emergence of a new generation of authoritarian regimes hiding behind the façade of liberal democracies and, theoretically, the need for a theoretical framework that is capable of capturing this phenomenon in a way that does justice to the circumstances of politics. Hence the main ambition of the book is to offer a realist political-ethical exploration of the experience of people living in illiberal regimes. The challenge here is to avoid the apology of these regimes while appreciating the ethical seriousness of the experience of people living in them. The basic idea is that every form of political rule, in order to survive, has to provide people with plenty of political-ethical reasons to accept their terms of rule, and illiberal regimes are no exceptions. As a consequence, people are given plenty of political-ethical reasons to acquiesce to the terms of these regimes, and if we overlook this aspect of political rule, we will fatally misunderstand the nature of the political-ethical experience of the people living in various forms of political rule. Among other things, we will misunderstand why even the sincerest and the most passionate opposition to illiberal regimes is necessarily an uphill battle in a political-ethical sense. The chapter briefly presents how this problem has long been a recurrent theme of realist political thought as a reason why other approaches to politics are fundamentally unsatisfying.

in Political ethics in illiberal regimes
Arabs, Israelis, and the limits of military force
Author:

The Arab–Israeli conflict has been at the centre of international affairs for decades. Despite repeated political efforts, the confrontation and casualties continue, especially in fighting between Israelis and Palestinians. This new assessment emphasizes the role that military force plays in blocking a diplomatic resolution. Many Arabs and Israelis believe that the only way to survive or to be secure is through the development, threat, and use of military force and violence. This idea is deeply flawed and results in missed diplomatic opportunities and growing insecurity. Coercion cannot force rivals to sign a peace agreement to end a long-running conflict. Sometimes negotiations and mutual concessions are the key to improving the fate of a country or national movement. Using short historical case studies from the 1950s through to today, the book explores and pushes back against the dominant belief that military force leads to triumph while negotiations and concessions lead to defeat and further unwelcome challenges. In The sword is not enough, we learn both what makes this idea so compelling to Arab and Israeli leaders and how it eventually may get dislodged.

Alan P. Dobson

existence of a transatlantic political dialogue. In other words, as this chapter will demonstrate, British and American traditions of political thought overlap to such an extent, and are so central to the experience of both countries, that they transcend national boundaries to form a plausible Anglo-American political culture centered on, but not exclusively consisting of, liberalism. LIBERAL IDEOLOGY AND ITS SCOPE IN BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES To develop the contention that liberalism is so rich and pervasive in both countries – and not simply in its own right

in Culture matters
Helen Berents
,
Catherine E. Bolten
, and
Siobhán McEvoy-Levy

policies states often replicate the securitszation of young people that they claim to overcome with each novel examination of their young. The authors take a close look at how states imagine the supposed differences between youth – in political thinking, in social networking and in exposure to novel ideas – and the adults who are meant to represent ‘mainstream’ political thought, the potential dangers they pose to the state and status quo, and the projects that unfold to understand, identify and potentially co-opt youth who

in Youth and sustainable peacebuilding
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

. But through it all, there was a belief in the actual unity of Christendom, however variously felt and expressed. This belief was a fundamental condition of all medieval political thought and activity. It reverberated through late medieval visions of a peaceful world. John of Paris expressed it in his plea for a government of Christendom ( De potstate regia et papali or ‘On Royal and Papal Power’ [ c. 1302]). And Dante Alighieri called for the establishment of Christian world state in his De monarchia (‘On Monarchy’ [ c. 1313]). Dante’s ideal monarch should be

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)
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Changing images of Germany
Jens Steffek
and
Leonie Holthaus

has received less attention so far. He shows how a distinctively German intellectual socialisation and a German style of argument continued to inform the political thought of the émigré scholars and how that fact became increasingly overlooked. As Rösch argues, it has to be acknowledged that émigré scholars at least partly caused this silencing themselves. After their forced emigration, they were at pains to adjust their research and teaching to the different intellectual and historical backgrounds of their American colleagues and students. They did so not only in

in Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks
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Why a history of International Relations theory?
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

-century theories were built around a mechanical vision of self-equilibrium, then nineteenth-century theories introduced an organic image of ‘progress’ or ‘evolution’. Chapter 6 first shows how international interaction was altered by the economic innovations of England’s Industrial Revolution and by the political ideals of the American and French Revolutions. The Enlightenment universalism of the revolutionaries triggered local and particularist reactions on the Continent. They fired up the modern idea of nationalism and of entire systems of political thought – most prominent

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)
James Johnson

Walton and Colin Gray have argued that “true strategic stability is a platonic ideal, useful as a yardstick for judging real-world conditions, but inherently unattainable as a policy goal” – especially in a multipolar nuclear world order. 34 Though a stable strategic environment is not necessarily a catalyst for positive geopolitical change, a conflict between great powers is more likely when the current strategic environment is unstable and uncertain. 35 Political thought scholarship has demonstrated that

in Artificial intelligence and the future of warfare
Leonie Holthaus

, 2006 ), p. 397 . 6 C. Sylvest , British Liberal Internationalism, 1880–1930: Making Progress? ( Manchester : Manchester University Press , 2009 ), p. 46 . 7 Sylvest, British Liberal Internationalism , pp. 200–6. 8 D. Bell and C. Sylvest , ‘ International society in Victorian political thought: T.H. Green, Herbert Spencer, and Henry Sidgwick ’, Modern Intellectual History , 3 : 2 ( 2006 ), pp. 207 – 38 , at p. 230 . 9 C. Hobson , The Rise of Democracy: Revolution, War, and Transformations in International Politics since 1776 ( Edinburgh

in Prussians, Nazis and Peaceniks