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‘What’s there is there’
Ben Cohen
and
Eve Garrard

Norman Geras as a general rule. Much of his work involved significant dissent from the Marxist tradition in which he located himself, precisely because unvarnished honesty prevented him from glossing over the many troubling ideas and notions that, simply, are there. This openness, in our view, is one of the key reasons why Geras’s extensive writings should be introduced to a wider audience seeking to understand not just past evolutions of political thought but their relevance to the extraordinary shifts now taking place in the twenty-first century. Indeed, Geras

in The Norman Geras Reader
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

. But through it all, there was a belief in the actual unity of Christendom, however variously felt and expressed. This belief was a fundamental condition of all medieval political thought and activity. It reverberated through late medieval visions of a peaceful world. John of Paris expressed it in his plea for a government of Christendom ( De potstate regia et papali or ‘On Royal and Papal Power’ [ c. 1302]). And Dante Alighieri called for the establishment of Christian world state in his De monarchia (‘On Monarchy’ [ c. 1313]). Dante’s ideal monarch should be

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)
The theatre of madness
Stuart Elden

. However, political thought had, Foucault suggested, not kept up with this development. Instead of following the practice where power became more dispersed and not concentrated in a single place, Foucault felt that the political thought of his time was still in thrall to that earlier model of power. This is the reason behind his famous claim that ‘in political thought and analysis

in Foucault’s theatres
Reassessed
Tracey Nicholls

discussion of Foucault’s attempt to think beyond secular politics, to think about spirituality as a site – or perhaps, as a constitutive attitude? – for revolutionary solidarity, emphasises the centrality of Iran’s theocratic revolution within Foucault’s later political thought, a connection they noted is the central focus of Janet Afary and Kevin B

in Foucault’s theatres
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Why a history of International Relations theory?
Torbjørn L. Knutsen

-century theories were built around a mechanical vision of self-equilibrium, then nineteenth-century theories introduced an organic image of ‘progress’ or ‘evolution’. Chapter 6 first shows how international interaction was altered by the economic innovations of England’s Industrial Revolution and by the political ideals of the American and French Revolutions. The Enlightenment universalism of the revolutionaries triggered local and particularist reactions on the Continent. They fired up the modern idea of nationalism and of entire systems of political thought – most prominent

in A history of International Relations theory (third edition)
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National traditions and political dilemmas
Ben Wellings

, as Matthew Ryan noted, that all case studies are implicitly comparative (Ryan, 2017 : 195), research by interpretive political scientists, as opposed to historical sociologists attuned to politics like Kumar, placed less explicit emphasis on the comparative dimension of analysis and was stronger on traditions of political thought from and within which current thinking about contemporary English nationalism emerged. Making a differentiation between ‘politics’ and ‘the political’, this research work on contemporary English nationalism allowed for fine-grained and in

in English nationalism, Brexit and the Anglosphere
Zheng Yangwen

, old and dying civilisation and pinned his hope on China’s youth. For the first time in Chinese political thought and history, the young rather than the more established were seen and even tasked with the prospect of reforming the country. He had placed his hope in the young because they were more open to what is new, which meant learning new things from the West and shaping a modern future. Liang’s thesis is loud and clear towards the end of his long prose poem On Youth : When they are intelligent, then the country is intelligent When

in Ten Lessons in Modern Chinese History
Jack Holland

Zombies , p. 76. 31 Y. Harari and D. Perkins, Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind (London: Harvill Secker, 2014 ). 32 On the role of apocalyptic rhetoric in the Trump administration, see A. McQueen, ‘The Apocalypse in U.S. political thought’, Foreign Affairs (18 July 2016 ), and A. McQueen, Political Realism in Apocalyptic Times (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017 ). 33 N. Slyomovics, ‘The right-wing agenda of “The Walking Dead”, from Trump to Netanyahu’, Haaretz (14 April 2017). 34 M. Loyola, ‘The Walking Dead’s political

in Fictional television and American Politics
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Ten theses
Ben Cohen
and
Eve Garrard

notwithstanding, the political thought of socialism should now be centred, not on notions of ultimate liberation or of other too distant ambition, but on a world cured of its worst remediable deprivations and horrors. The goal should be modest or minimum utopia. This is a thesis I have suggested in passing once before in the pages of Socialist Register , defining minimum utopia as a form of society which could generally provide for its members the material and social bases of a tolerably contented existence, or (put otherwise) from which the gravest social and political evils

in The Norman Geras Reader
Abstract only
Paul Jackson

debate. Stone has also explored how Nazism was widely debated in 1930s Britain, seen both critically and more positively by many British figures who were well informed on its nature. 5 This is also echoed in Martin Pugh’s provocative book Hurrah for the Blackshirts! which sought to debunk the shibboleth that fascism and political extremism from the right were not compatible with British political thought in the interwar

in Pride in prejudice