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’ (2004: 36) (renounces the differences between real flesh and blood victims and imaginary victims). On the other hand, any analysis of La pelota vasca must also take into account the history of filmmaking in the Basque Country, wherein the union of political thought and action with film theory and practice propagated a forceful faith in documentary as an instrument of record La pelota vasca: la piel contra la piedra 199 and propaganda that contributed to a cultural offensive against the conventions of the centralised film industry during and after the dictatorship
have not thought about the issues you have raised concerning film and politics, or that I do not have an ongoing concern about the relationship of what we call culture to political thought. As you know, I have written fairly often on specific films as exemplary moments in the unfolding of the American political drama, as I have with a variety of cultural artifacts, novels, poems
be surprised by how little attention has been paid, in our traditions of philosophical and political thought, to their significance. (Arendt, 1973: 10) 132 PART TWO(1) Arendt uses this sense of established practice (and its neglect by analysts) to qualify her judgement of those involved in producing the documents that provide the focus of her comments: Hence, when we talk of lying, and especially about lying among acting men, let us remember that the lie did not creep into politics by some accident of human sinfulness. Moral outrage, for this reason alone, is
expanding old forms.’27 The syndicate provided some of the content and broadened the scope of Hapt beyond its own political thoughts and interviews, reprinting texts on the Situationist International, the Black Panthers, the Dutch Kabouter and Provo movements, as well as the original Diggers Manifesto of 1649. It also covered issues such as ‘the female orgasm’, parent and child relationships, LSD trips and personal recollections of the Roundhouse Gathering of Communes (2 August 1970).28 The magazine was described by King Mob as ‘exceptionally articulate’ in terms of its
targeted specifically. Again, see Malcolm’s To Keep and Bear Arms. 5 It is important to note here that this tradition, born of the English Civil War and the Commonwealth period, represents but one strain of English political thought of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. As Bernard Bailyn has pointed out in his book, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992 (1967)), p. 51, the influence of the oppositional writings against the established order of governmental powers was far greater in the Colonies than in
gossiping about others. This involves a much deeper interpretation of democratic relations than that found in much political thought today. With relation to the political analogy discussed by Dienstag, the moral would be to stop watching others making a constitution and then limit our involvement to merely moaning about it, but to get involved in making our own constitution, to push
argued to be somehow eternal or universal. For more on the contours of Natural Law philosophy, see A. P. d’Entrèves’s Natural Law (London: Hutchinson, 1970). For more on the American conceptions of Natural Law, see Benjamin Fletcher Wright, Jr’s American Interpretations Firearm iconography 127 of Natural Law: A Study in the History of Political Thought (New York: Russell & Russell, 1962). 46 Emphasis and ellipses in the original. 47 Richard Dyer, White: Essays on Race and Culture (New York: Routledge, 1997), p. 35. 48 It is worth noting that a similar notion
. One result was that between 1947 and 1950, the year Collins abruptly resigned, the merger of political thought and television as a medium sparked a growth of journalism. This was evident in reporting of results for the general election of 1950. Another primary consideration was the advent of the programme Foreign Correspondent, which began in 1949. Originally, the programme did not report on political issues around Europe as originally intended, but instead tried to demonstrate how the Marshall plan and its aid affected the rebirth of Europe following World War Two
). Sliwinski , Sharon ( 2017 ), Dreaming in Dark Times: Six Exercises in Political Thought ( Minneapolis : University of Minnesota Press ). Weaver , Caity , ‘Why Am I Having Weird Dreams Lately?’ , New York Times (13 April 2020), [Online], [accessed 20 February 2022], available from: www.nytimes.com/2020/04/13/style/why-weird-dreams-coronavirus.html
, these are the pertinent questions posed in Sharon Sliwinski’s recent volume Dreaming in Dark Times: Six Exercises in Political Thought ( 2017 ), at the heart of which is an examination of the political capacity of the dreams. Distinguishing between two fundamentally different yet equally political oneiric forms – the ‘dream-as-text’ and the ‘dream-as-dreamt’ – Sliwinski demonstrates the importance of dream-life as a means of challenging