Search results
the contingency of the authority and power of states can usefully take us back into the history of political thought, which has M1218 - THOMPSON TXT.qxp:GRAHAM Q7.3 6 10/3/08 13:10 Page 6 Might, right, prosperity and consent become regrettably separated from much contemporary political science, and in particular to early modern debates about reason of state. Although he did not use the term, reason of state was Machiavelli’s legacy to political understanding.11 He insisted, as nobody in western political thought had previously, that preserving authority
of political thought that assumed that large territories could be ruled by only monarchs or emperors. Against all previous assertion, they insisted that a large republic was both possible and desirable. If the disease of republican government was faction, the solution, Madison resolved, was to have a state big enough to disperse divisive interests and passions across it so that they could neutralise each other.15 Applying the principle of representation to all the three branches of government, the founders extended authority over a territory at least ten times
debates have been mediated (or not) into the policy processes of, particularly, the Anglo-Saxon powers that have dominated the debate on the NWO in the twentieth century. The idea that it might be possible to create an NWO that would improve the global political, social and economic environment might be seen as a key leitmotif of much political thought since (at least) Kant. The nineteenth century saw a plethora of plans in this direction.1 In the twentieth century this has taken a different turn as the might of the United States and the growth of the influence of
rooted in the minds of Zionist leaders and was embedded in Zionist political thought all along. Lately, Pappe (2006) has made the case that the expulsion of the Palestinians was an act of ethnic cleansing, which was guided and supervised by Ben-Gurion and a small group of his aids. Nonetheless, the fact that Palestinians remained in Israel, particularly in the Galilee, which was occupied at the end of the war, needed an explanation. Morris cited this fact as a vindication of his thesis and a refutation of his critics. Hillel Cohen (2008) went one step further by
‘good claim to being the individual most responsible for broadening the imaginative horizons of Victorian political thought’. He was clearly a ‘realist’ in that he is often74 seen as being in the same political lineage as George Kennan, Martin Wight, Herbert Butterfield or Reinhold Niebuhr, some key members of the realist canon, whom we have also identified as NWO thinkers of distinction. Bell shows how Seeley has been subsumed into what Karma Nabulsi calls the ‘martialist’ tradition of late nineteenth-century thinkers who lauded the development of the British Empire
MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 08/19/2013, SPi 7 Political rights under a military rule Irreconcilable conceptualization? Citizenship, as a bundle of rights and as experience, is regarded in the political thought as a safeguard for the citizens against excesses by the state or by powerful groups (e.g. Marshall, 1950). Among these, political rights have been associated with highly esteemed notions such as the sovereignty of the people. However, what could the meaning of political rights be under a state of exception, where the basic rights, which enable citizens to
in International Relations’, History of Political Thought, vol. 13, no. 2, Summer 1992. 67 Some recent literature on this includes: Barry Buzan, ‘The Timeless Wisdom of Realism?’, in Steve Smith, Ken Booth and Marysia Zalewski (eds), International Theory: Positivism and Beyond (Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 47–65; Jaap de Wilde and Hakan Wiberg (eds), Organized Anarchy in Europe: The MUP/Williams/ch6 209 23/10/98, 11:50 am 210 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 MUP/Williams/ch6 Failed imagination? Role of Intergovernmental Organizations (London, I
68 3 Jean-François Drolet Carl Schmitt and the American century This chapter offers an exegesis of the US foreign policy narrative nested in the political thought of the German jurist Carl Schmitt (1888–1985). Along with his friend Martin Heidegger (1889–1976), Schmitt is one of the most controversial thinkers of the twentieth century. His career as a legal theorist and public intellectual defies the sort of short, snappy introduction that has come to be expected of academic writers in our contemporary publishing culture. So let me instead begin by stating
led to this ‘silencing’. How was it possible that their German intellectual socialisation that continued to inform their political thought became overlooked and indeed no longer even realised? It is argued that German émigrés and American International Relations (IR) constitute a case of successful integration. Before this argument is further expounded, it has to be acknowledged that émigré scholars partly caused this silencing themselves. After their forced emigration, they were at pains to adjust their research and teaching to the different intellectual and
The middle months of 2016 in the North Atlantic world offered a distinctly depressing constellation. This book offers a nuanced and multifaceted collection of essays covering a wide range of concerns, concepts, presidential doctrines, and rationalities of government thought to have marked America's engagement with the world during this period. The spate of killings of African Americans raised acute issues about the very parameters of citizenship that predated the era of Civil Rights and revived views on race associated with the pre- Civil War republic. The book analyses an account of world politics that gives ontological priority to 'race' and assigns the state a secondary or subordinate function. Andrew Carnegie set out to explain the massive burst in productivity in the United States between 1830 and 1880, and in so doing to demonstrate the intrinsic superiority of republicanism. He called for the abolition of hereditary privilege and a written constitution. The book also offers an exegesis of the US foreign policy narrative nested in the political thought of the German jurist Carl Schmitt. Understanding the nature of this realist exceptionalism properly means rethinking the relationship between realism and liberalism. The book revisits Samuel Huntington's The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the World Order, which reviews the intellectual and policy environment of the immediate post- Cold War years. Finally, it discusses Paul Dundes Wolfowitz, best known for his hawkish service to the George W. Bush administration, and his strong push for the invasion and occupation of Iraq.