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Abstract only
Andrew Williams

debates have been mediated (or not) into the policy processes of, particularly, the Anglo-Saxon powers that have dominated the debate on the NWO in the twentieth century. The idea that it might be possible to create an NWO that would improve the global political, social and economic environment might be seen as a key leitmotif of much political thought since (at least) Kant. The nineteenth century saw a plethora of plans in this direction.1 In the twentieth century this has taken a different turn as the might of the United States and the growth of the influence of

in Failed imagination?
Ahmad H. Sa’di

rooted in the minds of Zionist leaders and was embedded in Zionist political thought all along. Lately, Pappe (2006) has made the case that the expulsion of the Palestinians was an act of ethnic cleansing, which was guided and supervised by Ben-Gurion and a small group of his aids. Nonetheless, the fact that Palestinians remained in Israel, particularly in the Galilee, which was occupied at the end of the war, needed an explanation. Morris cited this fact as a vindication of his thesis and a refutation of his critics. Hillel Cohen (2008) went one step further by

in Thorough surveillance
Abstract only
The third American NWO – the Clinton and Bush presidencies, 1990–2006
Andrew Williams

‘good claim to being the individual most responsible for broadening the imaginative horizons of Victorian political thought’. He was clearly a ‘realist’ in that he is often74 seen as being in the same political lineage as George Kennan, Martin Wight, Herbert Butterfield or Reinhold Niebuhr, some key members of the realist canon, whom we have also identified as NWO thinkers of distinction. Bell shows how Seeley has been subsumed into what Karma Nabulsi calls the ‘martialist’ tradition of late nineteenth-century thinkers who lauded the development of the British Empire

in Failed imagination?
Ahmad H. Sa’di

MUP FINAL PROOF – <STAGE>, 08/19/2013, SPi 7 Political rights under a military rule Irreconcilable conceptualization? Citizenship, as a bundle of rights and as experience, is regarded in the political thought as a safeguard for the citizens against excesses by the state or by powerful groups (e.g. Marshall, 1950). Among these, political rights have been associated with highly esteemed notions such as the sovereignty of the people. However, what could the meaning of political rights be under a state of exception, where the basic rights, which enable citizens to

in Thorough surveillance
Andrew Williams

in International Relations’, History of Political Thought, vol. 13, no. 2, Summer 1992. 67 Some recent literature on this includes: Barry Buzan, ‘The Timeless Wisdom of Realism?’, in Steve Smith, Ken Booth and Marysia Zalewski (eds), International Theory: Positivism and Beyond (Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 47–65; Jaap de Wilde and Hakan Wiberg (eds), Organized Anarchy in Europe: The MUP/Williams/ch6 209 23/10/98, 11:50 am 210 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 MUP/Williams/ch6 Failed imagination? Role of Intergovernmental Organizations (London, I

in Failed imagination?
Jean-François Drolet

68 3 Jean-​François Drolet Carl Schmitt and the American century This chapter offers an exegesis of the US foreign policy narrative nested in the political thought of the German jurist Carl Schmitt (1888–​1985). Along with his friend Martin Heidegger (1889–​1976), Schmitt is one of the most controversial thinkers of the twentieth century. His career as a legal theorist and public intellectual defies the sort of short, snappy introduction that has come to be expected of academic writers in our contemporary publishing culture. So let me instead begin by stating

in American foreign policy
Studies in intellectual history

The middle months of 2016 in the North Atlantic world offered a distinctly depressing constellation. This book offers a nuanced and multifaceted collection of essays covering a wide range of concerns, concepts, presidential doctrines, and rationalities of government thought to have marked America's engagement with the world during this period. The spate of killings of African Americans raised acute issues about the very parameters of citizenship that predated the era of Civil Rights and revived views on race associated with the pre- Civil War republic. The book analyses an account of world politics that gives ontological priority to 'race' and assigns the state a secondary or subordinate function. Andrew Carnegie set out to explain the massive burst in productivity in the United States between 1830 and 1880, and in so doing to demonstrate the intrinsic superiority of republicanism. He called for the abolition of hereditary privilege and a written constitution. The book also offers an exegesis of the US foreign policy narrative nested in the political thought of the German jurist Carl Schmitt. Understanding the nature of this realist exceptionalism properly means rethinking the relationship between realism and liberalism. The book revisits Samuel Huntington's The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of the World Order, which reviews the intellectual and policy environment of the immediate post- Cold War years. Finally, it discusses Paul Dundes Wolfowitz, best known for his hawkish service to the George W. Bush administration, and his strong push for the invasion and occupation of Iraq.

Abstract only
Casper Sylvest

an obvious case in point: while the two seem natural and inseparable allies today, the majority of nineteenth-century liberals blended their acceptance of, even support for, more democratic practices with apprehension about its consequences. Liberal political thought has always been in part a vision of international relations, but this is similarly not fixed: intuitively it is often thought of in terms of peace and prosperity, but as the post-Cold 1 Introduction War era has demonstrated, liberals are perfectly capable of endorsing a bellicose approach to

in British liberal internationalism, 1880–1930
Philosophy, politics and foreign policy in America’s ‘second modernity’
Vibeke Schou Tjalve
and
Michael C. Williams

of contemporary pragmatists, progressives and conservatives. The early Cold War period laid down an intellectual, political and social landscape whose contours still mark much of American political thought and politics. As such, it remains understudied,7 and perhaps no more so than in its –​exceptional –​ cross-​ideological debates over how to constitute and secure a truly plural and yet integrative political order, and a responsive and yet responsible foreign policy. Exceptionalism(s) and the American beginning Unsurprisingly  –​and for good reasons  –​US foreign

in American foreign policy
Casper Sylvest

‘liberalism’ in the Western world continues to be marked by inherent ambiguities that cannot be separated from its importance. See for example Michael Freeden, ‘European liberalisms. An essay in comparative ­political thought’, European Journal of Political Theory, 7 (2008), 9–30. 8 Stefan Collini, Public Moralists (Oxford, 1991), p. 170. 9 Lawrence Goldman, Science, Reform, and Politics in Victorian Britain (Cambridge, 2002), p. 10; Philip Harling, ‘Equipoise regained? Recent trends in British political history, 1790–1867’, Journal of Modern History, 75 (2003), 890

in British liberal internationalism, 1880–1930