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Zheng Yangwen

, old and dying civilisation and pinned his hope on China’s youth. For the first time in Chinese political thought and history, the young rather than the more established were seen and even tasked with the prospect of reforming the country. He had placed his hope in the young because they were more open to what is new, which meant learning new things from the West and shaping a modern future. Liang’s thesis is loud and clear towards the end of his long prose poem On Youth : When they are intelligent, then the country is intelligent When

in Ten Lessons in Modern Chinese History
Daniel Szechi

state it was fighting. Notes 1 For a different interpretation see: Pincus, 1688, passim . Professor Pincus’s explanation is impressively panoramic and appeals to modern sensibilities, but I feel it overcomplicates the issue. 2 Speck, Reluctant Revolutionaries , pp. 125–31. 3 Mark Goldie, ‘The Political Thought of the Anglican Revolution’, in Robert Beddard (ed.), The Revolutions of 1688 (Oxford, 1991), pp. 102–36. 4 J. P. Kenyon (ed.), The Stuart Constitution, 1603–1688: Documents and Commentary (Cambridge, 1966), doc

in The Jacobites (second edition)
Abstract only
The German Revolution of 1918–19 and the passing of the GDR
Matthew Stibbe

question of ‘being’ in the present – and especially putting oneself ‘out there’ – was now given priority over establishing links with the past. Historical change could no longer be measured simply by reference to the ‘false universalism’ of class interest; ideological struggle; political thought; or supposedly singular, world-changing events such as the French Revolution of 1789 or

in Debates on the German Revolution of 1918–19
Zheng Yangwen

Great Leap Forward and People’s Commune Movement. It began in the countryside but was later extended to checking political thought and management in urban areas. Large numbers were drafted into the campaign as they went around the country to cleanse the party structure and bureaucracy. Jiangsu province alone sent nearly 60,000 cadres to the countryside and 20,000 to cities. They held public meetings where many old cadres were put on stage, accused of wrong-doing, humiliated and beaten. The Cultural Revolution had begun. Liu Shaoqi tried to balance economic recovery

in Ten Lessons in Modern Chinese History
Daniel Szechi

://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/21857 . 75 Robert D. Cornwall, Visible and Apostolic: The Constitution of the Church in High Church Anglican and Non-Juror Thought (Newark, DE, 1993); Monod, Jacobitism and the English People , pp.139, 142–3; W. A. Speck (23 September 2004). Mary II (1662–1694), queen of England, Scotland, and Ireland. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Doi: https://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/18246 . 76 Horwitz, Parliament , pp. 17–19. 77 Mark Goldie, ‘The Roots of True Whiggism 1688–94’, History of Political Thought , i. (1980

in The Jacobites (second edition)
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Martine Monacelli

Lord Templetown (1897). 178 Thomas Starling Norgate endorsed women’s suffrage in the Cabinet (1795). Henry Hunt presented Mary Smith’s suffrage petition to Parliament in 1832. 179 Rover remarks that ‘the development of political thought away from the representation of interests and towards individual rights was necessary before women could hope to have the vote’ ( 1967 : 13). 180 Pugh ( 2000 ) remarked that when education, health, and poor relief (issues which were considered within female expertise) became central to national

in Male voices on women's rights
Abstract only
Paul Jackson

debate. Stone has also explored how Nazism was widely debated in 1930s Britain, seen both critically and more positively by many British figures who were well informed on its nature. 5 This is also echoed in Martin Pugh’s provocative book Hurrah for the Blackshirts! which sought to debunk the shibboleth that fascism and political extremism from the right were not compatible with British political thought in the interwar

in Pride in prejudice
Empire and nation
Mark Edele

of Muscovy, and later the tsars of the Russian Empire, lay claim to all land, and would dole it out as reward for service to the state. This system worked well for the autocracy until the challenge of the French and the Industrial Revolution in the nineteenth century. The autocracy was now confronted by intellectuals, alienated from both the regime and the peasant majority, and radicalized under the influence of Western political thought. Unable to mobilize a deeply conservative peasantry, they turned to terrorism, killing state officials. Their most prominent and

in Debates on Stalinism
Paul R. Deslandes

therefore anti-status quo?’ 72 While Blachford’s ideas remain an interesting example of gay political thought and action in 1970s Britain, an assertion that came on the third page of his article revealed that even those who viewed the pornographic explosion of the 1960s and 1970s critically could simultaneously embrace the perspectives of people like Alan Purnell, who argued vociferously about the centrality of sexual ./figures/ to the promotion of gay visibility. Blachford, in fact, highlighted the value of pornography to young gay men when he noted, ‘I believe

in British queer history
Mark Edele

Roots of Stalin's Russification of Marxism’, in: Stalin: A New History , ed. Sarah Davies and James Harris (Cambridge, 2005), 159–180; and Eric van Ree, The Political Thought of Joseph Stalin: A Study in Twentieth-Century Revolutionary Patriotism (London, 2002). 37 James Harris, for example, sets up his reconsideration of Stalin's rise to power as a revision of Tucker, among others. He concludes that rather than through manipulation of the secretariat, Stalin ‘largely carried the Central Committee on the basis of his policies’ – a direct reformulation of

in Debates on Stalinism