In 1611 the King James Bible was printed with minimal annotations, as requested
by King James. It was another of his attempts at political and religious
reconciliation. Smaller, more affordable, versions quickly followed that
competed with the highly popular and copiously annotated Bibles based on the
1560 Geneva version by the Marian exiles. By the nineteenth century the King
James Bible had become very popular and innumerable editions were published,
often with emendations, long prefaces, illustrations and, most importantly,
copious annotations. Annotated King James Bibles appeared to offer the best of
both the Reformation Geneva and King James Bible in a Victorian context, but
they also reignited old controversies about the use and abuse of paratext. Amid
the numerous competing versions stood a group of Victorian scholars, theologians
and translators, who understood the need to reclaim the King James Bible through
its Reformation heritage; they monumentalized it.
religious Jewish anarchists) ethical consciousness.
Thus, we find that religious Jewish anarchism first took shape in a period during which state-sponsored violence against Russian Jewry reached a crescendo, dashing naive hopes of liberation through accommodation. The return of assimilationist maskilim to the Jewish fold made reconciliation between tradition and enlightenment possible; if not religious per se the latter was Judaized to a degree and therefore had something to offer the Jewish community. Among other things, they brought with them
sophiology as embodied in the writings of Vladimir Solovyov and especially the religious interpretation of the Nietzschean ubermensch that he and his circle, the ‘God Seekers,’ developed. According to Slater, the God Seekers rejected Nietzsche's atheism, but accepted his critique of Christianity and saw in his notion of the ubermensch heavenly yearning for divine humanity and earthly yearning for human divinity, both of which would culminate in a final reconciliation of good and bad, spirit and flesh. As Slater explains, Alexandrov adapted this notion by representing
their family. Many narrators ended these reflections with stories of reconciliation, underscoring that their parents ‘did come to accept it in the end’. 73 But, for those interviewed, their committed ‘yes’ was one of awareness of the sacrifice of career and marriage. These stories also suggest that contemporary fears that many young women were saying ‘no’ to the sacrifices of religious life were credible. The next section investigates this rejection of religious life through the discourse of a ‘vocations crisis’.
Edna John and
In the course of many of the interviewees’ early
marriages, confession ceased to function as a vehicle of celestial
reconciliation and became instead a space within which to gauge the
Church’s position on matters of personal morality, particularly
questions of sex. Katherine used to confess masturbating her husband
during periods of abstinence, but