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Françoise breaks free?
Richard Bates

nature and become, as you say, a real woman’. 110 Suzanne, for her part, hoped that it would lead to a reconciliation with Delebecque. 111 Henry and Suzanne thus did not see Laforgue as someone who might put dangerous ideas into their daughter’s head, but as someone who could reconcile her to her ‘true’ femininity. As time went on, however, the ‘family neurosis’ interpretation became more dominant, and the analysis transformed Françoise in ways that her parents had not foreseen. Laforgue was able, as Dolto later wrote

in Psychoanalysis and the family in twentieth-century France
Dolto, psychoanalysis and Catholicism from Occupation to Liberation
Richard Bates

naturally be excluded; Laforgue went so far as to give Göring a list of those who could be considered ‘a danger to the reconciliation of our two peoples’. 126 Laforgue probably hoped to obtain a university post and permission to publish his new book on great men and the ‘psychopathology of failure’. 127 Neither hope was granted, and in 1942 Laforgue retreated to his estate at La Roquebrussanne in the Unoccupied Zone – where Dolto had joined the ‘crazies’ club’ before the war – from where he provided some assistance to

in Psychoanalysis and the family in twentieth-century France
Gerald V. O’Brien

particular examples as being illustrative of the entire group in question. Consider, for example, the 1996 United States welfare reform legislation, the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act. This law was passed, in large measure, because of public disgust about ‘welfare as we know it’. A great deal of public pressure was exerted on legislators to support the policy. The question then arises: what was the source of this public anger? Was it the result of reasoned public discourse and a rational collective deliberation of the factual information

in Framing the moron
Hogarth’s bodies
Frédéric Ogée

– a reconciliation which the foundation of the Royal Academy in 1768 was meant to facilitate – Hogarth tried to put forward, in practice as much as in theory, a conception of beauty in art that refuted any form of academic, hierarchical selectivity with its élitist mysterious shroud of ‘je ne sais quoi’.6 For Hogarth, the beauty of or in a picture, far from being some fixed, complex, embedded inscription to be understood by the cultivated beholder, was the result of a personal experience, of an individual discovery or progress when the representation manages to

in Bellies, bowels and entrails in the eighteenth century
Clement Masakure

Ushewokunze’s behaviour, they were also angry over what they perceived as the spirit of revenge that was stifling the possibilities of white and blacks working together to build a new Zimbabwe. The Sunday Mail was clear, if the minister was allowed to continue with his antics, ‘Mr Mugabe’s policy of reconciliation [could] stand no chance of success’. 30 The most vocal of this section of the white community were the representatives of the Republican Front in parliament. 31 They accused the minister of sowing seeds of hatred and propagating mistrust amongst the people

in African nurses and everyday work in twentieth-century Zimbabwe
The leper as a scapegoat in England and Normandy (eleventh–twelfth centuries)
Damien Jeanne

violent death was sublimated by the prodigies that took place around his tomb, a place of reconciliation and healing. 37 There is a parallel between the violence undergone by Thomas and the suffering and rejection experienced by lepers. Furthermore, the leper could only be redeemed through having recourse to the purification operated by Thomas. 38 The violence of the assassination and that of the disease were interchangeable, since both were impure. 39 To proceed towards purification, the sick person had to associate with the very symbol of violence – blood – equally

in Leprosy and identity in the Middle Ages
Guerrilla nursing with the Friends Ambulance Unit, 1946–48
Susan Armstrong-Reid

capital’ that is outward-looking with ‘bonding social capital’ that fosters a ‘shared organizational and professional identity’.96 Both women exhibited significant ‘bonding capital’ that created a shared identity as pacifist humanitarians. Both viewed health as a tool of reconciliation. Both accepted the paramount importance of the humanitarian imperative to alleviate the devastating effects of war. But this weighed more heavily on Stanley’s mind than on Hughes’s. For Stanley, to ‘realize that the few precious supplies that we had were going to mending and healing

in Colonial caring
Psychological wounds and curative methods in the English Civil Wars
Erin Peters

printed by order of Parliament, addresses first the King, and then Parliament, nobles, gentry, commons, judges and clergy and begs for ‘mutuall agreement and reconciliation’.47 It begins with the author’s invitation to the reader to recognise his or her own trauma in the narrative (‘Behold therefore if there be any sorrow like unto my sorrow’) and then compulsively pleads for the reader’s attention (‘O give eare and listen to my counsel’; ‘Give eare and help me’; ‘Give eare and pitie me … commiserate my wofull and distressed condition’). Throughout this eight

in Battle-scarred
Abstract only
Michael Robinson

. The Irish Republican Army (IRA) bombing of a Remembrance Day ceremony at Enniskillen Memorial, killing twelve people on 8 November 1987, highlights this intensification. As the peace process progressed, culminating in the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, the resulting quest for reconciliation between unionists and nationalists allowed the Great War to become a key point of reference to remember a period of shared experience. 37 The evolution of the memory of the First World War is essential when

in Shell-shocked British Army veterans in Ireland, 1918–39
Debbie Palmer

. 174. 55 Ibid., p. 178. 56 Ibid., p. 57. 57 Rose, Governing the Soul, p. 85. 58 Ibid., p. 50. 59 Wood Report, p. 50. 60 Ibid., p. 54. 61 Ibid., appendix IV, pp. 93–5. 62 Ibid., p. 60. 63 Rafferty, The Politics of Nursing Knowledge, p. 170. 64 R. Nash, ‘Class, “ability” and attainment: a problem for the sociology of education’, British Journal of Sociology of Education, 22:2 (2001), 190. 65 Wood Report, appendix IX, p. 103. 66 Ibid., p. 73. 67 Ibid., pp. 73–4. 68 A. Collins, ‘The embodiment of reconciliation: order and change in the works of

in Who cared for the carers?