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Episcopal authority and the reconciliation of excommunicants in England and Francia c.900–c.1150
Sarah Hamilton

to be permanent but rather to resolve a dispute, forcing the excommunicant to repent and acknowledge the bishop’s authority. To that extent lifting the sentence of excommunication was almost as significant an act of power as imposing it. As tales such as this suggest, reconciliation therefore embodied important aspects of the bishop’s ministry, his roles as both peacemaker and judge. Yet while

in Frankland
Abstract only
Jenny Benham

, these agreements also offer insight into the more general principles and practices of making peace. Diplomacy and negotiations for peace in this period frequently involved reconciliations following rebellion. As rebels often recruited the assistance of neighbouring rulers it is often difficult to treat these as wholly domestic events. For instance, the 1173–74 rebellion against

in Peacemaking in the Middle Ages
Colin Veach

connection, the bishop of St Andrews, William Mauvoisin. William appeared alongside  the elder Hugh de Lacy in several  Norman charters, including one issued by Henry II c.1174 granting the liberties of Breteuil to the men of Condé-­sur-­Iton (Eure, cant. Breteuil) under the bishop of Évreux.65 Simon de Montfort’s son, the more famous baronial reformer Simon de Montfort (d. 1265), witnessed Hugh de Lacy’s grant to the church of St Andrews in 1237, less than a year before Bishop William’s death.66 Thus it seems that, only months after Walter’s reconciliation with King John

in Lordship in four realms
James Paz

, relics and other material things associated with the cult of St Cuthbert reshaped ‘universal’ Christianity within a distinctly Northumbrian environment in the seventh and early eighth centuries. St Cuthbert has been identified as a post-​Whitby figure of reconciliation, preserving the best of the ‘Celtic’ ascetic tradition while actively promoting a new order more in line with the European mainstream in Northumbria.1 In 140 140 Nonhuman voices in Anglo-Saxon literature and material culture light of this view, I will consider how the saint –​both as text, in the

in Nonhuman voices in Anglo-Saxon literature and material culture
The symbolism of largesse
Jenny Benham

ceremony does make frequent appearances on the pages of late twelfth-century chronicles, namely feasting. In his article on ritual and ceremony in Ottonian Germany, Karl Leyser noted that banquets ‘could be immensely potent rituals both to herald claims and to promote them, to manifest friendship, real or pretended, and acts of reconciliation’. 61 Indeed, that communal

in Peacemaking in the Middle Ages
Abstract only
Colin Veach

while expanding upon his reconciliation with John in Ireland. Richard may have been willing to admit John’s rights over Walter vis-­à-­vis Ireland, but he issued a firm reminder through a heavy fine and sequestration that he was Walter’s lord in England and Normandy. John’s resumption of direct lordship over Ireland in 1195 marked the end of the powerful magnate-­justiciars. Having been overshadowed by Hugh de Lacy in 1185 and seen his interests eroded by Walter de Lacy and John de Courcy from 1194 to 1195, John chose to promote his loyal advisers, or barons of the

in Lordship in four realms
Colin Veach

replaced Walter de Lacy and John de Courcy as justiciars with his former custodian of Waterford, Hamo de Valognes.80 Reconciliation with John: 1195–7 Having handed Ireland back to John, King Richard ensured that John would not punish Walter for his role in Richard’s administration of Ireland. According to a mandate John sent to his men in Ireland, King Richard compelled John to accept Walter’s peaceful seisin of Meath: John, lord of Ireland and count of Mortain, to all his justices, barons and sworn men, English and Irish, greeting. Know that, at the request of King

in Lordship in four realms
Abstract only
Susan M. Johns

portrayal of Owain in the Brut generally is positive, for example in the account of his reconciliation with Henry I and his knighthood later in the narrative. Later commentators glossed over Owain’s part in the rape and abduction of Nest in an ongoing male-centred narrative in which they became subsumed in a narrative of heroic Welsh resistance to the Anglo-Normans. As such the abuse of a Welsh princess by the prince of another Welsh dynasty draws attention to the importance of personal actions and responsibility. The sexual relationship, her capture and subsequent

in Gender, nation and conquest in the high Middle Ages
Susan M. Johns

buildings, yet obtained little spoil, which was, no doubt, the object of their depredations, having obtained ‘nothing save Cadwgan’s stud’. 78 Indeed Owain appears in an almost heroic mould. The portrayal of Owain in the Brut is one of constant resistance to Henry I until 1114, and then accommodation and reconciliation with the king. Indeed Owain paid tribute to Henry I and was rewarded; he was even knighted by Henry and went to Normandy with him for a year. 79 The Brut records that Owain was killed in 1116 by Gerald of Windsor in retribution for the abduction of

in Gender, nation and conquest in the high Middle Ages
Alan Thacker

reconciliation with the archbishop. 94 Theodore by contrast emerged from the council with his assumption of quasi-patriarchal status over the whole island of Britannia confirmed. The position thus acquired had the support of two of the most important English rulers, the kings of Northumbria and Kent. By then, however, it was wholly exceptional in the Latin West. At Salona the archbishopric had collapsed under the assaults of the

in Frankland