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Abstract only
Elliot Vernon

doctrinal foundations of Reformed Christianity looked to mark the path to reconciliation among Calvinists in the 1650s, the fracturing of protestantism and the political uncertainties of the Protectorate meant that attempts to settle the ‘foundation’ of religion proved repeatedly futile. These theological conflicts were made all the more bitter, however, because they were reflected in the internal political conflicts that gnawed away at the parliamentarian alliance from within. This work has attempted to show that a cautious move

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Elliot Vernon

forthwith ordered his sequestration. 11 The Rump realised the resilience of the London ministers’ opposition to the new regime. With the Irish campaign pressing and the threat of rapprochement between the Scottish covenanter regime and Charles Stuart growing in the middle months of 1649, the regime attempted a policy of reconciliation with the more conformable presbyterians. As Blair Worden has shown, the MPs John Gurdon, Miles Corbet, Thomas Atkins and Isaac Pennington, all in some way well disposed to religious

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Michael Carter-Sinclair

circle that surrounded the Habsburgs was unable to achieve what was needed. So, reconciliation was extended to a number of those with ability who had been classed as revolutionaries in 1848 when, in reality, they had wanted reform of the monarchy, not its overthrow. Now, in the late 1850s, the Habsburgs reached out, and former ‘revolutionaries’ were called on to perform roles in revitalising the state. 8 This was still not enough, however, to counter potential threats from abroad, and disaster came as France and the Kingdom of Sardinia drew the dynasty into war in

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Michael Carter-Sinclair

protect or to extend its bourgeois privileges. It has been claimed, with some justification, that in doing this Karl Lueger was attempting to build the largest possible bourgeois coalition that he could, ready to face the likely coming threat of the Social Democrats. 3 Yet, he started by alienating a significant part of the bourgeoisie, by differentiating his supporters from them on racial grounds, thereby rendering impossible any future meaningful reconciliation between all parts of the Viennese bourgeoisie. It was a bourgeois coalition which, in Vienna at least

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Elliot Vernon

, however, thought that the London ministers’ ambivalence to Booth’s uprising was due to their being involved in seeking an accommodation with other Reformed protestants for a settlement of religion. 10 On 6 September Edmund Calamy, Lazarus Seaman, Edward Reynolds, William Jenkyn and Thomas Jacombe participated in the first of a series of meetings with leading London congregationalists and baptists. The aim of these meetings was to find reconciliation and co-operation against the quakers and, more positively, agreement on

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Elliot Vernon

reconciliation came in early 1652 with John Owen’s presentation of the Humble proposals to the Rump’s committee for the propagation of the gospel, the scheme that would form the basis of the Protectorate church administration in 1654. 10 Looking back to the religious settlement proposed with the four bills of 1647, the Humble proposals envisaged the settling of a state-supervised national ministry coupled with a forbearance for doctrinally orthodox dissenters. The vetting of candidates for parish livings, formerly

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Abstract only
The Cavalier Parliament, the Great Ejection of 1662 and the first years of dissent
Elliot Vernon

presbyterians maintained their mid-century bonds of fellowship and religion as they organised the foundations of Restoration nonconformity. ‘Bang the bishops’: the London elections to the Cavalier Parliament The failure of the Worcester House Declaration to become law indicated to many London presbyterians that the decision to preserve elements of ‘Christ’s discipline’ through a reconciliation with the returning episcopalians had been an improvident course of action. In October, the Convention Parliament made an

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64
Michael Carter-Sinclair

the ‘national families’ of Europe. It required the resolution of relationships between Germans – implying the question of Anschluss – to be settled on the basis of ‘national self-determination.’ This should not, however, be taken as a call for Anschluss , simply for Austrians to have the chance to speak on the matter. It wanted ‘Christian moral law’ to create a ‘true reconciliation of the peoples,’ and ‘a sincere collaboration of all peoples’ to bring enduring peace. Yet, the manifesto did not put forward the first task for this ‘nationally minded party’ as

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Michael Carter-Sinclair

sportsperson who wanted to play at the highest level had to renounce, for life, membership of German clubs, otherwise they would be banned from international competition. Other Czechoslovak sports organisations followed suit. 6 Sportblatt described these actions as continuing the long Czech agitation against Germans – revenge that could only hinder reconciliation. 7 Given the dire economic situation, concern with sporting events was remarkable. Fuel was at a premium, as footballers and spectators found when they turned up at a stadium, only to discover that the goal

in Vienna’s ‘respectable’ antisemites
Elliot Vernon

meeting at Guildhall to present a petition against engaging the Army, resulting in some of the protestors being killed. 138 Shocked by the escalation of events, the Westminster assembly voted to draft letters to the city, Army and Parliament counselling immediate reconciliation. At the same time the assembly sent a messenger to the London presbyterian ministers to ask them to use their influence to avert the impending showdown. 139 This measure produced a letter from twenty London presbyterian ministers ‘professing our abhorrency

in London presbyterians and the British revolutions, 1638–64