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This book explains theoretical work in postcolonial and postsocialist studies to offer a novel and distinctive insight into how Yugoslavia is configured by, and through, race. It presents the history of how ideas of racialised difference have been translated globally in Yugoslavia. The book provides a discussion on the critical race scholarship, global historical sociologies of 'race in translation' and south-east European cultural critique to show that the Yugoslav region is deeply embedded in global formations of race. It considers the geopolitical imagination of popular culture; the history of ethnicity; and transnational formations of race before and during state socialism, including the Non-Aligned Movement. The book also considers the post-Yugoslav discourses of security, migration, terrorism and international intervention, including the War on Terror and the refugee crisis. It elaborates how often-neglected aspects of the history of nationhood and migration reveal connections that tie the region into the global history of race. The book also explains the linkage between ethnic exclusivism and territory in the ethnopolitical logic of the Bosnian conflict and in the internationally mediated peace agreements that enshrined it: 'apartheid cartography'. Race and whiteness remained perceptible in post-war Bosnian identity discourses as new, open-ended forms of post-conflict international intervention developed.
–conservative and liberal national identity discourses most evidently in Slovenia (Mihelj 2005 ; Petrović 2009 ; Longinović 2011 ), but also elsewhere. Identity narratives at the north-west end of ‘nesting orientalisms’ (Bakić-Hayden 1995 ) trained racialising lenses south-east across the Balkans towards Muslim and dark-skinned refugees and migrants entering Europe. Slovenian and Croatian nationalism's performative rejection of Yugoslav state socialism and Yugoslav multi-ethnicity appeared to have also swept Yugoslav anti-colonial solidarities away. While
refugees since World War II. Whilst it was first dubbed a ‘migrant crisis’, by the end of the same year, media outlets across Europe started referring to it as the largest ‘refugee crisis’ in the European Union (EU). 1 After the Yugoslav wars in the 1990s, EU Member States developed legal mechanisms, such as the Temporary Protection Directive, 2 founded on the idea of sharing responsibility in the case of greater numbers of people seeking asylum in the European Community
has been conducted on the position of stateless persons than on the status of refugees and other migrants (Belton, 2011 ; Foster and Lambert, 2019 ). Stateless people have also not been at the forefront of debates in the international community. Whilst 145 states are parties to the 1951 UN Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, and 146 to the 1967 Protocol, only 91 are parties to the 1954 Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons, and just 74 to the 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness. However, more recently there have been more
, 69). The antiziganism of western and eastern Europe still confronts south-east European Roma living in France or Britain but is less tangible in the USA. Studies of South Slav diasporas – which consist of several waves, formed for different prevailing reasons during economic depressions, regime changes and war (Pryke 2003 ; Cederberg 2005 ; Colic-Peisker 2008 ) – have also started asking how migrants interpret their new countries' configurations of race. Hariz Halilovich's translocal ethnography of Bosniak refugees from Prijedor and
. (Interview, 2018) In this case, as the interviewee reflects, the problem was that the police did not protect her family as ordinary citizens of her country, but rather decided not to intervene on the basis of their interpretation of what Romani culture entails. This was not based on facts but on their racist ‘multicultural vision’. Dani, a university-educated Romani man in his late twenties, was born into a family with refugee status in Germany. His parents had come to Germany from different parts of the former
, and the movement of refugees across the world. That means breaking with the conservatism inherent in plan-versus-market and nationalisation-versus- privatisation approaches to the economy. But it also means re-examining, in more general terms, the premises that continue to inform prevailing notions of democratic statehood and citizenship, starting with the central theme of this chapter. The term mediated unity expresses the idea that, if there was no way to bridge the political distance between citizens and the state through intermediary instances of public and
promoted by including externally affected interests in decisions made by particular governments and by democratizing global governance regimes through the inclusion of non-state actors and policy stakeholders (Macdonald 2008 ). Globalizing national decision-making and democratizing global decision-making in this way on issues such as climate change, refugee protection, global poverty relief, international criminal justice, trade and finance is
which intergovernmental consultations and negotiations is only one. A second, and increasingly important, response is government participation in the creation of regional or global governance institutions on issues that systematically spill across jurisdictional boundaries, such as climate change, refugee protection and the persecution of crimes against humanity. 18 The third response is to directly represent externally affected interests in
contrast to the European project, which was designed to provide a solution to the continent’s long-standing conflicts, ‘the rise of far-right nationalism is a reaction to the European Union, which sparked a backlash from an older generation of people who fear the loss of their identities as white Christians. As refugees streamed into Europe, those diffuse sentiments for a vanishing past have found easily identifiable targets.’ 6 In the face of a supranational integration that certain older segments of the population feel has failed them, Europe is confronted with a