Search results
, professional people such as scholars, doctors and clergy, prosperous traders and skilled craftspeople, and numerous semi- and unskilled workers involved in commerce, manufacturing and agriculture. Some came as refugees escaping economic, political or religious turmoil in their homelands, and a few may have come as forced labour. Most, though, arrived as a result of self-determination, facilitated by the general openness of borders and encouraged by the perceived opportunities that migration might bring. Their host communities in England occasionally remarked on their
arrivals of Protestant refugees, partly from northern France but principally at first from Walloon areas in the Low Countries. With the adoption of Protestant practice in the English Church after 1547, the flow of such refugees very visibly increased, most especially in London. Already in 1551 it was alleged that the rush of refugees had increased the ‘stranger’ community in the capital to over 40,000 people. Although the real number is likely to have been only around 5,000, it still represented a major new presence in the city. 50 While we tend to refer to them as
amount of time in England at the very end of the fifteenth century, received all the stages of his ordination and consecration in the Roman tradition after he had fled from Greece as a refugee to the West. 90 The outstanding – but highly unusual – example of a conscious English emulation of continental religious practice comes from Norwich, where at least two houses of women living under a vow of chastity were recorded in the fifteenth century. These are very likely to have drawn direct inspiration from the Beguine movement in the Low
well as smaller goods consumption. Smyth argues for a redistribution of the population in the later Middle Ages and early years of the early modern period, describing people moving from dispersed settlement to nucleated settlement around a tower house as ‘refugees’ (1985: 126). Presumably, the comparative security of the tower house was an attractive prospect and would explain the continuation of nucleated settlement after the demographic collapse of the Black Death, if the people previously living in dispersed patterns migrated. In
the subjects of the duke of Aquitaine rather than of the king of England. The final loss of control over Gascony to the Valois monarchy in 1453 forced some harder realities. Fleming has identified several merchants operating in later fifteenth-century Bristol who were probably refugees from the duchy and who had been forced by the French incursions to decide once and for all whether they would continue their lives and their business in Gascony or in England. 11 The trickle must have continued in the first half of the sixteenth century, for thirty-seven people
the bounds of the kingdom. It is testimony to the extraordinary nature of the 1440 subsidy and the extant records of its assessment and collection that no equivalent data with which to compare this figure exist until the nineteenth century. Censuses of aliens were compiled in the sixteenth century in order to address the perceived and/or actual increase in numbers resulting from the influx of Protestant refugees to England. However, these processes were only conducted at the level of individual cities and towns, and no statistics have ever been posited for the
French king’s intrigues, came in the spring of 1209, when negotiations over a marriage alliance between Scotland and France were probably betrayed.67 When confronted with an English army brought north that summer to ensure his loyalty, King William treated for peace. Roger of Wendover records that King John admonished William for having harboured John’s fugitive subjects and open enemies.68 A wave of episcopal refugees had fled England after the interdict and found refuge in Scotland,69 and the parallel with the Lacys’ harbouring of the Briouze family is obvious. John
, who brought the group to Peru, giving rise there to an Incan empire led by a Norse elite. From only about 5,000 original colonisers, de Mahieu calculated, a population of about 80,000 had arisen by the end of the thirteenth century. According to this improbable expansion of Pistilli’s impossible genealogy, the indigenous Guayakís are descendants of a group of Vikings who may have been refugees from the Tiahuanacu Empire; if true, this would mean the Norse were in Bolivia as well. He argues that after 1290 a Norse population remained for a long time in the jungle
recapitulates the moment Jonah crosses from one world-view to the other. From this point of view, Jonah is no longer a man ‘schowved’ from the ship, but a ‘wyye that the water soghte’ () where ‘soghte’ suggests that water is the natural place to be, as well as reminding us that Jonah did indeed seek the water in his attempt to escape having to go to Nineveh. Immersed in the sea, Jonah’s position is critically different from his previous one as a refugee on the surface. Now he is regarded as merely another, smaller, life form thrashing about in the waves – fair prey for any
intuitive and affective leaps that define her work. There is an ethic to Bergvall’s refusal of meaning: these lines are honest about the uncomfortable confusion and powerlessness that might be felt by someone attempting to imagine a long-passed historical moment, or someone witnessing the passage of refugees escaping war from the comfort of a prosperous country. The experience of the refugees is evoked but not defined; it is left unknowable and unimaginable. But Drift suggests that the untimeliness of the Middle Ages can speak to and with the untimeliness of the modern