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Bernadette C. Hayes and Ian McAllister

It is increasingly accepted that religion is a cause of many of the world’s violent conflicts. The vast majority of contemporary conflicts are intrastate conflicts and involve issues of religious, national or ethnic identity. Although religious conflicts in general have been less common in the post-Second World War era than nonreligious conflicts – or ethnonational

in Conflict to peace
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Michael D. Leigh

Politics and religion were two sides of the same coin. Wesleyan missionaries went to Upper Burma for many and complex reasons but their main purpose was to convert Burmans to Christianity. One scholar described it as a ‘corrupting’ task. 1 Another suggested that giving ‘pagan souls the same cast as our own’ was to personalise imperialism. 2 Few missions achieved the conversion targets set for them by their societies. As a result mission histories are often histories of failure. 3 Conversion rates

in Conflict, politics and proselytism
Jonathan Benthall

This review of David Martin’s Religion and Power: No logos without mythos (Ashgate, 2014) and Karen Armstrong’s Fields of Blood: Religion and the history of violence (Bodley Head, 2014) was published in the Times Literary Supplement ( TLS ) on 10 December 2014, under the heading ‘Poplars in the marsh’. Two

in Islamic charities and Islamic humanism in troubled times
Marco Barducci

that had been made by Hobbes in The Elements when he affirmed ‘That subjects are not bound to follow their private judgments in controversies of religion’ ( Chapter 6 , p. II), and ‘That subjects are not bound to follow the judgment of any authority in controversies of religion which is not dependent on the sovereign power’ ( Chapter 7 , p. II). God had inscribed moral law into men to let them

in Order and conflict
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Politics and society in Northern Ireland over half a century

After three decades of violence, Northern Ireland has experienced unprecedented peace. It is now generally accepted that the peace accord which ended the Northern Ireland conflict, the 1998 Belfast Agreement, is an exemplar of this trend. This book examines the impact of the 1998 Agreement which halted the violence on the Northern Irish people. It covers changes in public opinion across all areas of society and politics, including elections, education, community relations and national identity. The surveys presented show that despite peace, Protestants and Catholics remain as deeply divided as ever. The book examines the development of the theory of consociationalism and how it has been woven into the intellectual debate about the nature of the Northern Ireland conflict. The role of religion in conflict transformation has emerged as an important issue in Northern Ireland. Ethnonationalism in Northern Ireland is fuelled by its multifaceted and complex nature. The constitutional position of Northern Ireland has been the topic of recurring debate since partition in 1920. The role of education in promoting social cohesion in post-conflict societies is often controversial. The book explores both the nature and extent of victimhood and the main perpetrators of the political violence. The key elements of a consociational approach include a grand coalition representing the main segments of society; proportionality in representation; community (segmental) autonomy; and mutual vetoes on key decisions. The main lesson of peace-making in Northern Ireland is that political reform has to be accompanied by social change across the society as a whole.

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Anthony Ascham and English political thought, 1648–50
Author: Marco Barducci

The Puritan Revolution of mid-seventeenth-century England produced an explosion of new and important political thinking. In addition to most famous thinkers, Thomas Hobbes, Sir Robert Filmer and the Levellers, there are other important figures who have been relatively neglected, of whom Anthony Ascham is one. This book is the first full-scale study of Ascham's political thought. Ascham's works were intended to convince lay Presbyterians and royalists to adhere to the policy of national pacification implemented from 1648 by the Independent 'party' within Parliament. From 1648 to 1650 Ascham's propaganda primarily dealt with the issue of the validity of oaths, and insisted on the reciprocal relation between obedience and protection. The first part of Ascham's Discourse focused on 'what things, and how farre a man may lawfully conform to the power and commands of those who hold a kingdome divided by civill warre'. Ascham adopted a twofold line of argument: in the first, he sought to demonstrate that war was consistent with natural law and scripture. Secondly, not all types of war were consistent with the Christian religion and the natural law of self-preservation, only the defensive war. Ascham's natural law theory, which he drew from Hugo Grotius, Thomas Hobbes and John Selden, had therefore both civil and religious implications. Ascham proposed a synthesis between Grotius and Niccolò Machiavelli, underlining the priority of state order over political participation, and justifying war as a means of accessing power only to confirm the necessity of re-establishing order.

Daniel Loick

purely on passive obedience. Because it does not address its members on an authoritative basis, therefore, but is directed towards a mature understanding, Emanuel Lévinas has rightly referred to Judaism as a “religion for adults.”15 To connect law with coercion would mean to preclude its study and thus any authentic responsibility. This is also the case because in Judaism, study is always essentially conflictual and not made for a naive application. This leads to a particular appreciation and nurturing of the controversial and dissenting exchange of different legal

in Law and violence
Andreas Fischer- Lescano

materialistischen Theorie des Rechts (Weilerswist:  Velbrück Wissenschaft, 2007). 4 W. Benjamin, “Critique of Violence” [1921], in Selected Writings, vol. 1: 1913–​1926, eds M. Bullock and M. W. Jennings (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996), 236–​52; cf. J. Butler, “Critique, Coercion, and Sacred Life in Benjamin’s ‘Critique of Violence’,” in H. de Vries et al. (eds), Political Theologies:  Public Religions in a Post-​Secular World (New  York:  Fordham University Press, 2006), 201–​19; C. Vismann, “Two Critics of Law: Benjamin and Kraus,” Cardozo Law Review, 26

in Law and violence
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Ian McEwan’s The Children Act and the limits of the legal practices in Menke’s ‘Law and violence’
Ben Morgan

Religion, ed. Gil Anidjar (London:  Routledge, 2002), 242. 42 J. L. Austin, How to Do Things with Words, eds J. O. Urmson and M. Sbisà (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2nd edn, 1975), 28–​29. 165 Law in action 165 43 For a similar critique of deconstruction, see M. Stone, “Wittgenstein on Deconstruction,” in A. Crary and R. Read (eds), The New Wittgenstein (London:  Routledge, 2000), 83–​117. The idea that being good enough is good enough has its theoretical roots in Winnicott. D. W. Winnicott, The Maturational Processes and the Facilitating Environment:  Studies in the

in Law and violence
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Bernadette C. Hayes and Ian McAllister

organized around the social cleavages that existed at the time of democratization – the famous ‘freezing’ hypothesis advanced by Lipset and Rokkan in 1967 . In the majority of these societies, class and religion were the principal social divisions that divided the population, and the new parties therefore organized their appeals to voters around these divisions. In practice, religion provided a more

in Conflict to peace