Shiona Chillas, Melinda Grewar, and Barbara Townley
This chapter analyses culture and enterprise with reference to the Scottish textiles, tartan and tweed. These cloths juxtapose the culturally infused heritage of indigenous textiles with the seasonal rhythms of fashion and enterprise. Although the fashion industry operates in highly structured and differentiated markets, ordered around the symbolic value of garments produced, the distinctive features of the industry render it highly uncertain. 1 It is time-sensitive, notoriously fickle, and increasingly fragmented. 2 By contrast, notions of tradition and
The product of forty years of research by one of the foremost historians of Jacobitism, this book is a comprehensive revision of Professor Szechi’s popular 1994 survey of the Jacobite movement in the British Isles and Europe. Like the first edition, it is undergraduate-friendly, providing an enhanced chronology, a convenient introduction to the historiography and a narrative of the history of Jacobitism, alongside topics specifically designed to engage student interest. This includes Jacobitism as a uniting force among the pirates of the Caribbean and as a key element in sustaining Irish peasant resistance to English imperial rule. As the only comprehensive introduction to the field, the book will be essential reading for all those interested in early modern British and European politics.
Towards the end of the twentieth century, pressure built for sweeping constitutional change regarding: the voting system, the House of Lords and the nature of the Union, which had been set in something like stone by the Acts of Union in 1536 (Wales), 1707 (Scotland) and 1800 (Ireland). Forces had been in motion for several decades which had eroded the strength of this union.
Rise of nationalism
It is often forgotten that the origins of nationalism in the constituent parts of the UK date back to when they were independent political entities: Wales was a
in England and Scotland by the late 1750s. But the Whig regime did not feel fully secure until the 1760s, when the Tory party finally disintegrated and its shattered remnants turned towards the thoroughly Anglican and highly moral new king: George III. Even then the Guelfs themselves privately continued to feel slightly uneasy about having taken the throne from their Stuart cousins until the last legitimate Stuart claimant, Cardinal Henry Benedict, died in 1807. 2
Before we explore the Jacobites’ struggle with the Whig Ascendancy in the political sphere
The post-Revolutionary governments of England, Ireland and Scotland well knew they had many secret enemies, and in the manner of rulers since time immemorial they sought by means of spies and informers to monitor, confound and entrap those enemies. Conversely, the Jacobites sought to evade government surveillance while working to overthrow the Williamite regime and its successors. Thus throughout the period 1689–1759 we intermittently catch tantalising glimpses of a hidden struggle between the defenders of the new order at Whitehall and their Jacobite
Conservatives, who finished with 297 MPs. With tacit support from the Liberals’ fourteen members and an underhand understanding with the Scottish and Welsh nationalists, Harold Wilson was able to form a government (Butler and Kavanagh 1974 ). However, most observers at the time predicted, rightly, that Wilson would call another election. This was held in October 1974 and saw Labour returned with an overall majority of three.
Immediately after the election in February, the new foreign secretary, James Callaghan, continued to make demands which he must have realised at the
joint monarchs of course accepted. A convention of estates in Scotland forthrightly deposed King James without any English-style constitutional fictions, then followed the English lead and offered the crown to William and Mary, who formally accepted on 11 May. So far, so good as far as William was concerned. He had successfully usurped his uncle and father-in-law’s English and Scottish kingdoms; now he had to hold on to them and take Ireland. 10
The Jacobite wars in Ireland and Scotland, 1689–91
Seasoned soldier and patriotic Dutchman that he was
and others. 8 In other respects, the Printmakers Workshop was
perhaps more adventurous. Hayter's example of a print
workshop, praised by Herbert Read in 1966, was shifting the focus
from final outcome to its means of production. The Scottish workshop
took this shift further. As an ‘open access’ space, it
did not limit the aesthetic discourse, the ‘communicating of
comment: ‘A great many of the common men will get service, and some are trades. The rest are content to go to Scotland again, and, I hope, will be sent in some Scots ships that are expected here daily.’ 1 Until the 1750s there was substantial plebeian Jacobite flight/emigration, primarily associated with Irish Jacobitism. Some 5,000 Irish soldiers were sent to France by James II and VII in 1690 and a further 16,000, plus 4–5,000 women and children, joined them when the army at Limerick was offered the alternative of exile or surrender in 1691. The French, and later the
filled rather more pages on the 1975 vote. Thus this referendum looms large in Chapter 2 , though we also consider the alternative vote referendum in 2011 and the referendum on Scottish independence in 2014 .
Chapter 3 pertains to the United Kingdom European Union (EU) membership referendum in 2016, especially the campaign leading up to it. As in the previous chapter, this vote is analysed empirically but with several excursuses into the political theory.
After the analysis of the Brexit referendum, Chapter 4 reverts to the wider world and summarises some of