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This book examines the ways in which contentious parades and protests in ‘post-conflict’ Northern Ireland are contested by affective publics mobilised on social media. In this way, it will contribute to the extant interdisciplinary scholarship on digital citizenship and the role of digital media in contemporary social movements. This chapter contextualises the research findings presented throughout this book by exploring three key issues. First, it introduces the contentious politics framework and applies it to the Northern Irish conflict. Second, it explores
-immigrant fringes, was bolstered by the statements of the European border control agency Frontex, caught fire on social media, was then repeated by major media outlets, politicians and prosecutors, and eventually became policy of the then-government of Italy, under Interior Minister Matteo Salvini. It achieved its moment of (temporary) victory in 2018 with the closing of Italian ports to NGO vessels and the halting of search and rescue operations by NGOs on the Mediterranean. The
, and the increasing flux of digital content. Rosenberg, Danielski, and Falconer were initially journalists in printed newspapers. The publication for which Falconer worked, for instance, progressed towards online reporting; when she left to write freelance assignments for non-profit organizations, she soon found herself writing for digital platforms, composing blogs and Facebook posts. Six years ago, when the CRC offered her a permanent position, she welcomed the opportunity to further this experience with social media in a stable and innovative environment
This book explores how social media are used by citizens to frame contentious parades and protests in ‘post-conflict’ Northern Ireland. It provides the first in-depth analysis of how Facebook, Twitter and YouTube were used by citizens to contest the 2013 union flag protests and the Ardoyne parade dispute (2014 and 2015). An essential read for researchers interested in digital mis- and disinformation, it will examine how citizens engaged with false information circulating on these platforms that had the potential to inflame sectarian tensions during these contentious episodes. It also considers the implications of this online activity for efforts to build peace in deeply divided societies such as Northern Ireland.
The book uses a qualitative thematic approach to analyse Facebook, Twitter and YouTube content generated during the flag protests and Ardoyne parade dispute between 2012 and 2016. It also draws on semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders including bloggers, political commentators and communication officers from the main political parties, as well as the results of a qualitative content analysis of newspaper coverage of these contentious public demonstrations.
international colleagues. This, we argue, is all the more striking in light of the 2018 Oxfam scandal and resurgence of interest in preventing sexual exploitation and abuse (see GADN, 2019 ), as well as the rise of #AidToo and #AidSoWhite which saw aid workers share experiences of sexual violence and racism on social media as part of wider #MeToo and #BlackLivesMatter phenomena since 2013. 3 While the term ‘the field’ – and its more extreme sibling ‘the deep field
crises, they increasingly encounter media content that blurs the line between reality and fiction. This includes everything from rumours and exaggerations on social media, through to partisan journalism, satire and completely invented stories that are designed to look like real news articles. Although this media content varies enormously, it is often grouped together under nebulous and all-encompassing terms such as ‘fake news’, ‘disinformation’ or ‘post-truth’ media. Scholars have started to pay serious attention to the production and impact of all
humanitarian communication, and you get a different picture: here, history is everywhere. No website of any major humanitarian organization comes along without its own history section. On YouTube, humanitarian players provide an ever growing number of documentaries about their past and origins. Fundraising campaigns, mass mailings, and social media posts all point frequently to historical achievements. Major aid organizations now also call on their branches to ‘enhance the historical and cultural
, where there are IEDs and shootouts, to receiving death threats on social media. It’s not that easy to handle and it can take a toll on morale. But these people aren’t really an operational impediment. The much bigger problem is that states and the EU are ignoring conventions and laws. The Dublin Regulation – for what it’s worth – is being undermined. It is now, in Europe, that the refugee protection regime is being buried. In June [2018], the Aquarius, carrying 630 people to Europe, was refused entry to Italian ports. France has also prevented
), ‘ Five Questions for Digital Migration Studies: Learning from Digital Connectivity and Forced Migration In(To) Europe ’, Social Media+ Society , 4 : 1 , doi: 10.1177/2056305118764425 . Madianou , M. ( 2019 ), ‘ Technocolonialism: Digital Innovation and Data Practices in the Humanitarian Response to Refugee Crises ’, Social
spectrum and témoignage is one of those. [At MSF, we want] to speak out and highlight the plights of populations caught in humanitarian crises. In those days [before MSF was created], we didn’t have social media, TV was just coming out and unless you put on a table what was happening in Nigeria during the Biafra war, it was not necessarily attracting attention from the global world. So out of outrage we were bearing witness. 1 Through the years, of course, other organizations realized it doesn’t necessarily change policies on the preemptive level. For MSF, we