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-immigrant fringes, was bolstered by the statements of the European border control agency Frontex, caught fire on social media, was then repeated by major media outlets, politicians and prosecutors, and eventually became policy of the then-government of Italy, under Interior Minister Matteo Salvini. It achieved its moment of (temporary) victory in 2018 with the closing of Italian ports to NGO vessels and the halting of search and rescue operations by NGOs on the Mediterranean. The
, and the increasing flux of digital content. Rosenberg, Danielski, and Falconer were initially journalists in printed newspapers. The publication for which Falconer worked, for instance, progressed towards online reporting; when she left to write freelance assignments for non-profit organizations, she soon found herself writing for digital platforms, composing blogs and Facebook posts. Six years ago, when the CRC offered her a permanent position, she welcomed the opportunity to further this experience with social media in a stable and innovative environment
international colleagues. This, we argue, is all the more striking in light of the 2018 Oxfam scandal and resurgence of interest in preventing sexual exploitation and abuse (see GADN, 2019 ), as well as the rise of #AidToo and #AidSoWhite which saw aid workers share experiences of sexual violence and racism on social media as part of wider #MeToo and #BlackLivesMatter phenomena since 2013. 3 While the term ‘the field’ – and its more extreme sibling ‘the deep field
crises, they increasingly encounter media content that blurs the line between reality and fiction. This includes everything from rumours and exaggerations on social media, through to partisan journalism, satire and completely invented stories that are designed to look like real news articles. Although this media content varies enormously, it is often grouped together under nebulous and all-encompassing terms such as ‘fake news’, ‘disinformation’ or ‘post-truth’ media. Scholars have started to pay serious attention to the production and impact of all
humanitarian communication, and you get a different picture: here, history is everywhere. No website of any major humanitarian organization comes along without its own history section. On YouTube, humanitarian players provide an ever growing number of documentaries about their past and origins. Fundraising campaigns, mass mailings, and social media posts all point frequently to historical achievements. Major aid organizations now also call on their branches to ‘enhance the historical and cultural
, where there are IEDs and shootouts, to receiving death threats on social media. It’s not that easy to handle and it can take a toll on morale. But these people aren’t really an operational impediment. The much bigger problem is that states and the EU are ignoring conventions and laws. The Dublin Regulation – for what it’s worth – is being undermined. It is now, in Europe, that the refugee protection regime is being buried. In June [2018], the Aquarius, carrying 630 people to Europe, was refused entry to Italian ports. France has also prevented
), ‘ Five Questions for Digital Migration Studies: Learning from Digital Connectivity and Forced Migration In(To) Europe ’, Social Media+ Society , 4 : 1 , doi: 10.1177/2056305118764425 . Madianou , M. ( 2019 ), ‘ Technocolonialism: Digital Innovation and Data Practices in the Humanitarian Response to Refugee Crises ’, Social
spectrum and témoignage is one of those. [At MSF, we want] to speak out and highlight the plights of populations caught in humanitarian crises. In those days [before MSF was created], we didn’t have social media, TV was just coming out and unless you put on a table what was happening in Nigeria during the Biafra war, it was not necessarily attracting attention from the global world. So out of outrage we were bearing witness. 1 Through the years, of course, other organizations realized it doesn’t necessarily change policies on the preemptive level. For MSF, we
, populist – mostly right-wing – movements and their racial hatred aimed at targeting minorities. But it does not stop here, as at the same time those who stand for humanitarian values and try to uphold them become targets. This in effect is an attack on the belief that all lives matter and are worth of being saved. Disinformation campaigns that are now easily spread via social media and other informal networks, the report argues, threaten humanitarian action unless humanitarians develop strategies to
monitoring approach, or whether a more discerning one is warranted. Methodology This paper draws on an analysis of scholarly literature, policy documents, media and social media. The analysis is also informed by interviews with 32 individuals, who were predominantly healthcare workers and representatives of organisations active in the medical-humanitarian response in northern Syria. Interviews were conducted in the period January to June 2017, mostly in the