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mayonnaise jars while drinking Indian tea “with an Elephant.” The Russian internet (RuNet) and Russian social media in particular have, for a long time, been regarded as an extension of this type of fora, a kitchen talk 2.0 ( Lyytikäinen 2013 ) that offered a much larger virtual discussion space for an extremely politicized community of Russian speakers. However, as was the case in Soviet kitchens, the digital
and social media particularly served as platforms for grassroots politics to flourish and challenge the ‘old’ media establishment (Law, 2015). However, as stressed in many parts of this book, no political debate on any platform takes place in a vacuum and there is significant interpenetration of discourses in different parts of the public sphere. Thus much of what was talked about on mainstream ‘old’ media was also the topic of conversation on social media, as seen in chapter 3. Digital media however operate in different ways from mainstream news organisations. The
The development of social media sites, such as Facebook (founded 2004) and Twitter (founded 2006), has changed humanitarian non-governmental organisations’ (NGOs) media practices and subsequently altered the ways that supporters and publics are engaged. 1 This chapter focuses on a recent movement for NGOs to humour humanitarianism to achieve visibility on social networks
and intensive model of parenting, affects a more universal and collective call for a global international humanitarianism. While social media provides opportunities to share and discuss information about toy safety, it will be argued that emotion is an important part of humanitarian mobilisation, and that the emotions of consumption are often thwarted by the identity politics of consumption
This collection interrogates the representation of humanitarian crisis and catastrophe, and the refraction of humanitarian intervention and action, from the mid-twentieth century to the present, across a diverse range of media forms: traditional and contemporary screen media (film, television and online video) as well as newspapers, memoirs, music festivals and social media platforms (such as Facebook, YouTube and Flickr). The book thus explores the historical, cultural and political contexts that have shaped the mediation of humanitarian relationships since the middle of the twentieth century. Together, the chapters illustrate the continuities and connections, as well as the differences, which have characterised the mediatisation of both states of emergency and acts of amelioration. The authors reveal and explore the significant synergies between the humanitarian enterprise, the endeavour to alleviate the suffering of particular groups, and media representations, and their modes of addressing and appealing to specific publics. The chapters consider the ways in which media texts, technologies and practices reflect and shape the shifting moral, political, ethical, rhetorical, ideological and material dimensions of international humanitarian emergency and intervention, and have become integral to the changing relationships between organisations, institutions, governments, individual actors and entire sectors.
This chapter analyses how hiloni millennials have experienced what has been called religionization of the Israel Defence Forces over the past 20 years. It argues that for this generation, serving as IDF conscripts and reservists during and after the 2005 Disengagement, two things have become clear. First, that army service during this period has helped shape both millennial hiloni and Jewish identity post-Oslo. Second, despite bitter recriminations between political left and right on social media, the frequency of wars post-Oslo has reinforced Jewish national solidarity, across religious lines. It provides new interview data with young hilonim as well as teachers in mechinot (pre-army colleges), speaking about Jewish identity education in the IDF.
constitutes performance or performativity ( Leeker et al. 2017 , Gabriel 2014 ), it is important to note that social media constitute a vital site for both. Social media could be viewed in many ways as medieval maps or “performative itineraries that reproduced the knowledge learned in and through practice” ( Pouliot 2008 , 260). If regular people can shift and subvert cultural norms and IR literature has
mainstream and social media, Mutko’s pitch was successful and Russia indeed was awarded the 2018 FIFA World Cup. Meanwhile, “let me speak from my heart in English” became Russian meme royalty ( Lurkmore 2020 ). Jokes and memes aside, hosting a World Cup was another opportunity for Russia to project a positive image of its national identity ( Gorokhov 2015 , Makarychev & Yatsyk 2016 ), a
transmedia and transnational attitudes towards the Trump administration, both in the US and in Russia, showing the cross-pollination of discourses. The chapter first traces Russian anti-Americanism under President Obama and Secretary Clinton, including the 2016 presidential campaign on Russian social media and mainstream TV. This is followed by a discussion of the ambivalent attitude toward the Trump
Minister’s Chief Spokesperson Mark Regev on how killing children squared with the stated aim of ‘Operation Protective Edge’ to protect Israeli people. 11 A major part of what made the 2014 conflict seem different was widespread use of social media as a tool for exposure of violence against Palestinians, without the usual editorial filters. Social media filled in some of the gaps of mainstream coverage, often