The military coup of March 1976 in Argentina ruptured the prevailing institutional order,
with the greater part of its repressive strategy built on clandestine practices and
tactics (death, torture and disappearance) that sowed fear across large swathes of
Argentine society. Simultaneously, the terrorist state established a parallel, de facto
legal order through which it endeavoured to legitimise its actions. Among other social
forces, the judicial branch played a pivotal role in this project of legitimisation. While
conscious of the fact that many of those inside the justice system were also targets of
oppression, I would like to argue that the dictatorship‘s approach was not to establish a
new judicial authority but, rather, to build upon the existing institutional structure,
remodelling it to suit its own interests and objectives. Based on an analysis of the
criminal and administrative proceedings that together were known as the Case of the
judicial morgue, this article aims to examine the ways in which the bodies of the
detained-disappeared that entered the morgue during the dictatorship were handled, as well
as the rationales and practices of the doctors and other employees who played a part in
this process. Finally, it aims to reflect upon the traces left by judicial and
administrative bureaucratic structures in relation to the crimes committed by the
dictatorship, and on the legal strategies adopted by lawyers and the families of the
smugglers controlling the migrant trade. ( Hopkins, 2017 )
For evidence of this claim, Hopkins repeated the details of both the incident
mentioned by the December 2016 confidential Frontex report, and copy-pasted
directly, maps and graphs included, from the report by Gefira (2016a) about the October 2016 rescue. She then
turned to themes of criminality, terrorism and the threat of swamping:
Capitalism ( London and New York :
Verso . Original edition ,
BOND ( 2003 ), Joint statement by
members of the International Global Security and Development Network on the Development
Assistance Committee (DAC), ‘A Development Co-operations Lens on Terrorism Prevention:
Key Entry Points for Action’ ( London :
British Overseas NGOs for Development
R. ( 2013 ), The
Posthuman ( Cambridge : Polity
R. ( 2006
, they have been under constant and targeted attack as part of the weaponisation strategy of the GoS ( Fouad et al. , 2017 ). During the peaceful uprising, anyone found to be assisting wounded demonstrators or activists was prosecuted, tortured and sometimes killed. In 2012 the GoS effectively criminalised medical neutrality through anti-terrorism legislation that allowed prosecution of those treating demonstrators injured by government forces ( Fouad et al. , 2017 ). Doctors working in government hospitals were forced to misfile the cause of death of bodies of
Dispelling Misconceptions about Sexual Violence against Men and Boys in
Conflict and Displacement
Heleen Touquet, Sarah Chynoweth, Sarah Martin, Chen Reis, Henri Myrttinen, Philipp Schulz, Lewis Turner, and David Duriesmith
’, in Satterthwaite ,
M. L. and
Huckerby , J.
C. (eds), Gender,
National Security and Counter-Terrorism – Human Rights
Perspectives ( London :
Routledge ), pp.
15 – 35 .
Z. et al.
( 2018 ), Caring for Boys Affected by Sexual
The Politics of Information and Analysis in Food Security
Daniel Maxwell and Peter Hailey
some are more political – including direct
interference, minders, intimidation of field teams, limiting or prohibiting
access, creating real and imagined security obstacles and bureaucratic
These come from several sources: governments who do not want the depth of a
crisis to be exposed, donors who do not wish to investigate deeply the impact of
counter-terrorism restrictions or who expect to see ‘results’ from
, A. , Rutayisire , T. , Sewimfura , T. and Ngendahayo , E. ( 2010 ), ‘Psychotrauma, Healing and Reconciliation in Rwanda: The Contribution of Community-based Sociotherapy’ , African Journal of Traumatic Stress , 1 : 2 , 55 – 63 .
Ross , F. C. ( 2003 ), Bearing Witness: Women and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa ( London : Pluto Press ).
Rukebesha , A. ( 1985 ), Esotérisme et communication sociale ( Kigali : Editions Printer Set ).
Staub , E. ( 2011 ), Overcoming Evil: Genocide, Violent Conflict and Terrorism
The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand,
and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that
violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state)
health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence
against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human
rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence
against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of
the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the
horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’
dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional
and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept
of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence
against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on
the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised
in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an
innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due
diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment).
The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the
ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).
of national liberation, and Protocol
additional to the 1949 Geneva Conventions. Moreover, Article 3 common to
those Conventions 17
already sought to impose minimal humanitarian considerations even in
such conflicts. However, acts of violence committed by private
individuals or groups which are regarded as acts of terrorism, 18 brigandage, or
of mass destruction were found.
Defence: Not yet …
Secretary General: Also, preventive war is not a legitimate reason for armed violence. When conflict arises between nations, peace must always be the ultimate goal […].
Prosecutor: Did the world ask you to be its saviour?
Defence: In 1917, in 1941 and throughout the forty years of the cold war, the world asked us for help. And we gave it. But now the war on terrorism has begun and we can’t wait to be asked. We must do what has to be done.
Prosecutor: So, you feel free to attack every nation of which