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(New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2010). 26 Jean-Claude Chenais, Histoire de la violence (París: Robert Laffond, 1981). 27 Laura Sjoberg and Caron Gentry, Women, Gender, and Terrorism (Athens, GA: University of Georgia
Explaining how leprosy was considered in various historical settings by referring to categories of uncleanliness in antiquity, is problematic. The book historicizes how leprosy has been framed and addressed. It investigates the history of leprosy in Suriname, a plantation society where the vast majority of the population consisted of imported slaves from Africa. The relationship between the modern stigmatization and exclusion of people affected with leprosy, and the political tensions and racial fears originating in colonial slave society, exerting their influence until after the decolonization up to the present day. The book explores leprosy management on the black side of the medical market in the age of slavery as contrasted with the white side. The difference in perspectives on leprosy between African slaves and European masters contributed to the development of the 'Great Confinement' policies, and leprosy sufferers were sent to the Batavia leprosy asylum. Dutch debates about leprosy took place when the threat of a 'return' of leprosy to the Netherlands appeared to materialise. A symbiotic alliance for leprosy care that had formed between the colonial state and the Catholics earlier in the nineteenth century was renegotiated within the transforming landscape of Surinamese society to incorporate Protestants as well. By 1935, Dutch colonial medicine had dammed the growing danger of leprosy by using the modern policies of detection and treatment. Dutch doctors and public health officials tried to come to grips with the Afro-Surinamese belief in treef and its influence on the execution of public health policies.
least in the UK. Ebola was a big issue internationally – and received a similar tenor of media reaction to MRSA – but it did not have the same impact in the UK as these home-grown events did. Our current challenge, of course, is antimicrobial resistance, which is a global problem. Professor Dame Sally Davies has put antimicrobial resistance on the risk register for the UK because it requires a UK-wide response rather than an English response. 5 To contextualise its significance, this puts antimicrobial resistance on the same footing as terrorism in terms of its
policymakers. At any one time, a rather large array of social problems and potential target groups are available for public consideration and various policy responses. In the United States currently, for example, we must consider policies related to such diverse sociopolitical issues as foreign and domestic terrorism, long-term solvency The war and natural catastrophe metaphors 83 of the social security and health care systems, same-sex marriage, economic stability, and child sexual abuse. A large community of interest that includes producers, investors
). 42 Institute of Medicine (IOM), The Smallpox Vaccination Program: Public Health in the Age of Terrorism (Washington, DC: National Academies Press, 2005); Stephen S. Morse, ‘Global Preparedness for Public Health Emergencies’, Journal of Public Health Policy , 28:2 (2007), pp. 196–200; A. Richmond, L. Hostler, G. Leeman and W. King, ‘A Brief History and Overview of CDC
procedural sections leads to a breach of the ECHR. Article 5(4) of the ECHR states that a detained person has the right to take proceedings by which the lawfulness of his or her detention shall be decided speedily by a ‘court’ (which includes independent tribunals). It can be argued that MHTs must have the power to review, without restrictions, both the substantive and procedural aspects of the person’s detention. The primary authority for this argument is Brogan v. United Kingdom (1989) 11 EHRR 117, a case concerning detention under the Prevention of Terrorism Act 1984
end the ‘crimes’ of the obiah men who he said abused their influence over the population and did not hesitate to use poison and terrorism 20 202 Leprosy and colonialism to perform their mischief. The police were afraid of the obiah men and a prominent socialist member even asked for a secret Suriname police to fight them.9 However, prohibition was not sufficient to change the beliefs in the minds of the Afro-Surinamese. From the perspective of the new modern leprosy politics, the essential problem was that some kind of patient cooperation and compliance with
’Neill argued that bioethicists’ efforts ‘to improve trustworthiness’ by calling for increased oversight of animal research, gene therapy and reproductive medicine had consistently failed to work.174 She outlined how newspapers continued to voice unease at embryo research and gene therapy and, more seriously, how opponents of Consolidating the ‘ethics industry’ 241 animal experiments continued to engage in ‘intimidation, criminal trespass, vandalism and even terrorism’.175 O’Neill believed that the authority of bioethicists was undermined by the fact that professional or
York: Brunner-Routledge, 2004), pp. 2–9. 16 Charles R. Figley, ‘From Veterans of War to Veterans of Terrorism: My Maps of Trauma’, in Charles R. Figley (ed.), Mapping Trauma and Its Wake: Autobiographic Essays by Pioneer Trauma Scholars (New York and London: Routledge, 2006), p. 52. 17 Dr Heidi Squier Kraft, Rule Number Two: Lessons I Learned in a Combat Hospital (Boston and London: Little, Brown, 2007), p. 134. 18 Cathy Caruth, Unclaimed Experience: Trauma, Narrative, and History (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996). 25 Working in a world of hurt 19 Nico