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The book analyses why religious and racial minorities in Britain and France are unable to integrate into the nation-state. By examining their religious and cultural integration as well as their postcolonial status, I make the argument that historical attitudes towards postcolonial minorities make it very hard for them to be integrated into national life even as they become legal citizens.
, according to Lojka, could be summed up as ‘terrorism’ and ‘oppression’ on the part of those he disparagingly called ‘ Sozilehrer .’ 57 Like Adam Latschka before him, Leopold Lojka clearly believed that Viennese Christians needed to engage with politics in order to save souls. He saw a conspiracy against Christianity in the policies of the Vienna City Council, through which ‘Christian youth is made Godless and immoral, which is the goal of Jewish freemasonry, whose willing slave is Social Democracy.’ 58 This so-called conspiracy, an antisemitic trope used by so many
, one of which – in Cateaton Street – had been close enough to cause some damage to the Cathedral’s glass. 36 But on 15 June 1996, in almost the last act of Irish Republican terrorism in Britain in the twentieth century, the IRA detonated a massive bomb from a van parked in the centre of Manchester, in Corporation Street, not far from the Cathedral. Warning was given and people evacuated, and no one was killed, though over two hundred were injured, mostly in a minor way. But the material damage the bomb – reputedly the
(colonial) and contemporary language and fears that exist about Islam and its perceived incompatibility with European society. Last, but not least, I contextualize Islamic terrorism of the present through comparing it to other groups that have fought nation-states in Europe in order to show how it fits within a European tradition of political struggle. 40 Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France From hybridity to minority rights Traditionally, the political incorporation of immigrants takes place in three stages. In the first stage they focus on homeland issues
the plea that short-term deviations are necessary to combat international terrorism. In reality these interim measures have undermined settled principles of human rights. In addition, totalitarian governments have resorted to large-scale human rights violations on the pretext of fighting against terrorism. I am here to say that intolerance cannot be wiped out through intolerant means, though I recognise that governments face a challenge in dealing with a complex situation. In my work as United Nations Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief, I continue to
THE DEMOCRATIC POLITY’S struggle against manifestations of extra-parliamentary extremism and political violence is accompanied by a similar and perhaps even more acute quandary than its contest with political parties. In this struggle the government possesses the means to substantially restrict the freedom of expression and association of its citizens, consequently harming a number of their democratic rights. However, in its struggle against extremism, violence and, at times, even terrorism, the democracy is sometimes impelled to employ
consent; it is an issue of Muslim victimhood and is viewed as consistent with the record of the West. It is now well documented that since the beginning of the war the resolve of the Muslim community to integrate with the mainstream has been weakened, thus contributing to further isolation.70 The connections between the Iraq War and growing radicalism and terrorism within Britain have been acknowledged by the Foreign Office and MI5, in two different internal documents in 2004. The Foreign Office permanent under-secretary Michael Jay, in a letter to the cabinet secretary
, in the direction of the ‘immunised’ pole by the very fact that, for the first time, the objective and powers of the Shabak, as well as the means of accounting for its actions, will now be more clearly defined. 2 Another step in the same direction can be detected in the Ministry of Justice’s repeated efforts to address state policy regarding the ‘incitement to violence’ offence and confine it to a legal framework, thus replacing the Ordinance for the Prevention of Terrorism and other widely used administrative measures. In the summer of 2001
mainstream society and their ethnic communities, and were either born and brought up in Britain or grew up there. Rohan Gunaratna argues, ‘Every major terrorist act in the West in the past decade, with the exception of Oklahoma City, utilized immigrants or immigrant communities.’31 In similar vein, Claude Moniquet, the Director General of the European Strategic Intelligence and Security Centre, stated in 2005, ‘Recruits [of the new generation of terrorism] come from the “Third Generation” of immigration, who we know has identity problems and feels itself the victim of
Izards in Toulouse, went on a shooting spree, killing a French soldier of Muslim descent, a rabbi, two other Jews and some schoolchildren. When caught, he jumped from his flat and killed himself. He justified his murderous rampage by blaming French foreign policy in Afghanistan and by proclaiming his identification with al-Qaeda. Links between Islamic minorities, jihadi ideology and terrorism are easily formed in the popular imagination. Despite many caveats, what causes Muslim 34 Postcolonial minorities in Britain and France youth to espouse terror is an important