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Imagining the future Algeria
Allison Drew

Algeria apart. On 8 April a referendum in metropolitan France signalled agreement for an independent Algeria. Europeans prepared to leave. The French government announced the court martial of any settler involved in terrorism. But the impact was swiftly undercut, in Flanner’s view, by the amnesty agreement that included those Europeans who continued to engage in their ‘blood-drunk raton[n]ades, or rat

in We are no longer in France
Carol Polsgrove

, they challenged the status quo and their low place in it. Across the continent of Africa, a web of laws silenced African speech. ‘“Dangerous thought” is as much a bogey to the Nigerian officials as it is to those in India’, Padmore wrote in his new manuscript. ‘The country is ruled by a criminal code that makes for intellectual terrorism unsurpassed anywhere else in West Africa. The Press, one of the

in Ending British rule in Africa
Andrekos Varnava and Casey Raeside

representative government and pluralism, especially given the opposition to enosis from the 20 per cent minority of Muslim Turks. 23 The violence was led by a Cypriot-born colonel in the Greek army, George Grivas, who Makarios III had authorised to make plans for violence in 1951. 24 On 2 April 1955, The Times reported on the EOKA sabotage and explosions in the island with the following headline: ‘Terrorism in Cyprus. 16 Simultaneous

in Comic empires
The iconography of Anglo-American inter-imperialism
Stephen Tuffnell

Statesmen from all major parties used the euphemism ‘expansion’ to disguise their own military conquest of the North American continent. For a discussion of the ambivalence, and selective racial, geographic, and constitutional anti-imperialism of American statesmen, see: Jay Sexton and Ian Tyrrell (eds), Empire's Twin: U.S. Anti-Imperialism from the Founding Era to the Age of Terrorism , Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2015. 9 On

in Comic empires
Punch and the Armenian massacres of 1894–1896
Leslie Rogne Schumacher

and Opinion , Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1950; Michael J. Hughes, ‘British Opinion and Russian Terrorism in the 1880s’, European History Quarterly , 41 (2), 2011, pp. 255–277; Michael J. Hughes, ‘The English Slavophile: W. J. Birbeck and Russia’, Slavonic and East European Review , 82 (3), 2004, pp. 680–706; Peter Hopkirk, The Great Game: On Secret Service in High Asia , Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. 74

in Comic empires
Nicola Ginsburgh

: I. B. Taurus , 1994 ), p. 34 ; David Welsh , ‘ Right-Wing Terrorism in South Africa ’, Terrorism and Political Violence , 7 : 1 ( 1995 ), p. 251 . 10 Danelle van Zyl-Hermann, ‘White Workers and South Africa’s Democratic Transition, 1977–2011’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014), pp. 14–15, 78. 11 Mtisi et al. , ‘UDI Period’, p. 137; Godwin and Hancock, Rhodesians Never Die , p. 25. 12 P. A. Hardwick , ‘ Journey-to-Work Patterns in Salisbury, Rhodesia: The Contrast between Africans and Europeans ’, Journal of

in Class, work and whiteness
Abstract only
Kate O’Malley

was this which provided the impetus for the very formation of IPI. Viewed from this standpoint IPI has a contemporary resonance, as the ‘war on terrorism’ has seen Western governments seek to confront transnational threats that evaded traditional, national based intelligence strategies. In 1915 as a result of this increased demand for the monitoring of Indian revolutionary

in Ireland, India and empire
David M. Anderson

underground Turkish political organisation, initially known as Volkan but later as TMT, had threatened reprisals against Greek Cypriots should Turks be killed by EOKA terrorism. Ali Riza was the first Turkish policeman to be killed, murdered in Paphos on 11 January 1956. His death was followed by widespread attacks on Greek Cypriot properties. Riots in Nicosia in April 1956 followed the murder of Constable Nihiat Vassif

in Policing and decolonisation
Pressure from the countryside
Allison Drew

insecurity, to open the way for general repression hitting all patriots and lovers of liberty and democracy’. Whether the statement meant state terrorism or individual acts of terror was unclear. 6 By 3 November authorities claimed that Algérois and Oranie were calm, although Constantinois was still bubbling. 7 Alger républicain demanded united efforts to achieve a

in We are no longer in France
Neville Kirk

social welfare system at the expense of Australians themselves. Some were suspected and accused of masquerading as genuine asylum seekers in order to import terrorism into Australia. Manne rightly concludes that the prospect of ‘mass’ immigration in these years ‘excited the oldest Australian nightmare, of alien invasion from the north’. 12 By this time, however, the perceived ‘invader’ was to be not the communist but the Islamic fundamentalist. It was against this background of nationalist, xenophobic and racist fear

in Labour and the politics of Empire