This book examines the underlying foundations on which the European Union's counter-terrorism and police co-operation policies have been built since the inception of the Treaty on European Union, questioning both the effectiveness and legitimacy of the EU's efforts in these two security areas. Given the importance of such developments to the wider credibility of the EU as a security actor, it adopts a more structured analysis of key stages of the implementation process. These include the establishment of objectives, both at the wider level of internal security co-operation and in terms of both counter-terrorism and policing, particularly in relation to the European Police Office, the nature of information exchange and the ‘value added’ by legislative and operational developments at the European level. The book also offers a more accurate appraisal of the official characterisation of the terrorist threat within the EU as a ‘matter of common concern’. In doing so, not only does it raise important questions about the utility of the European level for organising internal security co-operation, but it also provides a more comprehensive assessment of the EU's activities throughout the lifetime of the Third Pillar, placing in a wide and realistic context the EU's reaction to the events of 11 September 2001 and the greater prominence of Islamist terrorism.
Russia responds to challenges from Chechnya
The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 led to the existence of a number of weakened successor states, and some of them were republics in the Russian Federation. The Caucasus, in the southwest area of Russia, was particularly vulnerable, and some republics became a “hotbed of terrorism.” Chechnya was the most troubled and visible of those geographic units, and the tensions within it spread to its neighbors as well. Those states also were porous ones through which drugs, organized crime, and
smugglers controlling the migrant trade. ( Hopkins, 2017 )
For evidence of this claim, Hopkins repeated the details of both the incident
mentioned by the December 2016 confidential Frontex report, and copy-pasted
directly, maps and graphs included, from the report by Gefira (2016a) about the October 2016 rescue. She then
turned to themes of criminality, terrorism and the threat of swamping:
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, they have been under constant and targeted attack as part of the weaponisation strategy of the GoS ( Fouad et al. , 2017 ). During the peaceful uprising, anyone found to be assisting wounded demonstrators or activists was prosecuted, tortured and sometimes killed. In 2012 the GoS effectively criminalised medical neutrality through anti-terrorism legislation that allowed prosecution of those treating demonstrators injured by government forces ( Fouad et al. , 2017 ). Doctors working in government hospitals were forced to misfile the cause of death of bodies of
The Politics of Information and Analysis in Food Security
Daniel Maxwell and Peter Hailey
some are more political – including direct
interference, minders, intimidation of field teams, limiting or prohibiting
access, creating real and imagined security obstacles and bureaucratic
These come from several sources: governments who do not want the depth of a
crisis to be exposed, donors who do not wish to investigate deeply the impact of
counter-terrorism restrictions or who expect to see ‘results’ from
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Ross , F. C. ( 2003 ), Bearing Witness: Women and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa ( London : Pluto Press ).
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Staub , E. ( 2011 ), Overcoming Evil: Genocide, Violent Conflict and Terrorism
Dispelling Misconceptions about Sexual Violence against Men and Boys in
Conflict and Displacement
Heleen Touquet, Sarah Chynoweth, Sarah Martin, Chen Reis, Henri Myrttinen, Philipp Schulz, Lewis Turner, and David Duriesmith
’, in Satterthwaite ,
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Why did the Russian take-over of Crimea come as a surprise to so many observers in the academic practitioner and global-citizen arenas? The answer presented in this book is a complex one, rooted in late-Cold War dualities but also in the variegated policy patterns of the two powers after 1991. This book highlights the key developmental stages in the evolution of the Russian-American relationship in the post-Cold War world. The 2014 crisis was provoked by conflicting perspectives over the Balkan Wars of the 1990s, the expansion of NATO to include former communist allies of Russia as well as three of its former republics, the American decision to invade Iraq in 2003, and the Russian move to invade Georgia in 2008. This book uses a number of key theories in political science to create a framework for analysis and to outline policy options for the future. It is vital that the attentive public confront the questions raised in these pages in order to control the reflexive and knee-jerk reactions to all points of conflict that emerge on a regular basis between America and Russia.Key topics include struggles over the Balkans, the expansion of NATO, the challenges posed by terrorism to both nations, wars fought by both powers in the first decade of the twenty-first century, conflict over missile defence, reactions to post-2011 turmoil in the Middle East, and the mutual interest in establishing priorities in Asia.
Mobilising the concept of strategic culture, this study develops a framework for understanding developments in German security policy between 1990 and 2003. Germany's contemporary security policies are characterised by a peculiar mix of continuity and change. From abstention in the first Gulf war, to early peacekeeping missions in Bosnia in the early 1990s and a full combat role in Kosovo in 1999, the pace of change in German security policy since the end of the Cold War has been breathtaking. The extent of this change has recently, however, been questioned, as seen most vividly in Berlin's response to ‘9/11’ and its subsequent stalwart opposition to the US-led war on terrorism in Iraq in 2003. Beginning with a consideration of the notion of strategic culture, the study refines and adapts the concept to the case of Germany through a consideration of aspects of the rearmament of West Germany. It then critically evaluates the transformation of the role of the Bundeswehr up to and including the war on terrorism, together with Germany's troubled efforts to enact defence reforms, as well as the complex politics surrounding the policy of conscription. By focusing on both the ‘domestics’ of security policy decision making as well as the changing and often contradictory expectations of Germany's allies, this book provides a comprehensive analysis of the role played by Germany's particular strategic culture in shaping policy choices. It concludes by pointing to the vibrancy of Germany's strategic culture.