an interview with conservative columnists and
apparent Berlusconi enthusiasts Boris Johnson and Nicholas Farrell, Italy’s premier
parroted these Fascist platitudes when favourably contrasting Il Duce to deposed
Iraqi president Saddam Hussein: ‘Mussolini did not murder anyone. Mussolini
sent people on holiday to confine them’.3 Berlusconi’s flippant assessment was
more mainstream than fringe: today’s global war on terrorism, stoked by the
global refugee crisis, has led democracies to enact legislation that restricts due
process to enhance national security.4 Pre
, Rabbi Louis Newman of Manhattan decried ‘the surrender of the Czech Republic to Nazi terrorism’, for it would lead even further to ‘the surrender of minority after minority to the whim and will of the new race of Vandals and Visigoths’. 40 ‘You may not feel as I do’, Rabbi Stephen Wise wrote to his friend, the Christian pacifist John Haynes Holmes, shortly after the Munich Agreement was announced, ‘but to me this is one of the saddest days of history.’ Wise was a pillar of the Jewish establishment in New York, and he had been a counsellor to internationalist
. Then I examine the state
of his health and his family. Finally I examine what the deportee himself has to say
Is this terror, gentlemen? No! It is hardly even severity. Is it terrorism? No! These
measures are measures of social hygiene, of national prophylactics. I remove certain
individuals from contact with their fellow men, as a doctor would segregate one
affected with infectious disease.78
This five-point defence mounted for confino did nothing to counter the concerns
voiced in the foreign press. First, Mussolini minimised the extent of the
: the dilemma of the Liberal government’, Church History , 63:3 (1994), 407–25. For Asquith’s comment see Machin, ‘Liberal government’, 565, and for Bourne, see Devlin, ‘Eucharistic procession’, 424.
20 Brian Jenkins, The Fenian Problem: Insurgency and Terrorism in a Liberal State 1858–74 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2008), pp. 41, 116. See also Virginia Crossman, Politics, Law and Order in Nineteenth-century Ireland (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1996).
21 Jenkins, Fenian Problem , pp. 280, 317
, and made-for-television movies
have been made that centre on the experience of internal exile (the majority of
which are short documentaries or features that saw a very limited and short-term
release, a few only at a festival here or there), a disproportionately low number
when considering the number of individuals subjected to the detention strategy
over such a large number of years. As Alan O’Leary argues, ‘terrorism and political
violence … continue[s]to exercise the national imagination and that of Italian
film-makers to a remarkable degree’ (and the same
114 Peter Hart, The IRA at War, 1916–1923 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 34–37.
115 Daly, First Department , 78.
116 Peter Hart, The IRA and its Enemies: Violence and Community in Cork, 1916–1923 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 81–82.
117 The Burning of Irish Creameries’, Manchester Guardian , 30 October 1920, 11.
118 ‘Terrorism in Kerry’, The Kerryman , 30 October 1920.
119 C.C. Riddall to R.A. Anderson, Dublin, 6 October
"On the political passions in Europe and America and their implications for Transatlantic History"
Charles S. Maier
world politics and the progress of historical research. Up to a decade ago, perhaps until even more recently with the advent of the global financial crisis, the United States and Europe seemed to still share the successes of a liberal-democratic Atlantic Community, even if major challenges – a grave financial crisis, terrorism, turmoil in the Islamic world – were buffeting their common achievements. Today, the achievements of the shared political order of the Euro-American world are challenged fundamentally from within as without. We use the term populism to describe
Contemporary History (ZZF) of Potsdam. 59
The transatlantic response to the most recent challenge of a transnational widening of perspective towards a global history also shows commonalities and differences. On both sides historians are gradually beginning to investigate the dynamics of globalization which have transformed trade, financing, communication, and culture, investigating such issues as migration, terrorism, and the environment that transcend traditional frontiers. In the United States the demand of global leadership, the call for ethnic
A programme for the teaching of history in the post- national era
and online lectures. The internationalization and transnationalization of teaching history is another keyword for the reconstruction of history in the pursuit of endowing history education with new relevance in an increasingly globalized world. If history is to be relevant to students’ life in the twenty-first century, it needs to relate to their experience and problems. And challenges from migration to terrorism are global in nature and cannot be explained by referencing a national framework.
There are many ways to achieve a state of history