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A foundation of understanding
James W. Peterson

many others. Russia responds to challenges from Chechnya The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 led to the existence of a number of weakened successor states, and some of them were republics in the Russian Federation. The Caucasus, in the southwest area of Russia, was particularly vulnerable, and some republics became a “hotbed of terrorism.” Chechnya was the most troubled and visible of those geographic units, and the tensions within it spread to its neighbors as well. Those states also were porous ones through which drugs, organized crime, and

in Russian-American relations in the post-Cold War world

Why did the Russian take-over of Crimea come as a surprise to so many observers in the academic practitioner and global-citizen arenas? The answer presented in this book is a complex one, rooted in late-Cold War dualities but also in the variegated policy patterns of the two powers after 1991. This book highlights the key developmental stages in the evolution of the Russian-American relationship in the post-Cold War world. The 2014 crisis was provoked by conflicting perspectives over the Balkan Wars of the 1990s, the expansion of NATO to include former communist allies of Russia as well as three of its former republics, the American decision to invade Iraq in 2003, and the Russian move to invade Georgia in 2008. This book uses a number of key theories in political science to create a framework for analysis and to outline policy options for the future. It is vital that the attentive public confront the questions raised in these pages in order to control the reflexive and knee-jerk reactions to all points of conflict that emerge on a regular basis between America and Russia.Key topics include struggles over the Balkans, the expansion of NATO, the challenges posed by terrorism to both nations, wars fought by both powers in the first decade of the twenty-first century, conflict over missile defence, reactions to post-2011 turmoil in the Middle East, and the mutual interest in establishing priorities in Asia.

Author: Kerry Longhurst

Mobilising the concept of strategic culture, this study develops a framework for understanding developments in German security policy between 1990 and 2003. Germany's contemporary security policies are characterised by a peculiar mix of continuity and change. From abstention in the first Gulf war, to early peacekeeping missions in Bosnia in the early 1990s and a full combat role in Kosovo in 1999, the pace of change in German security policy since the end of the Cold War has been breathtaking. The extent of this change has recently, however, been questioned, as seen most vividly in Berlin's response to ‘9/11’ and its subsequent stalwart opposition to the US-led war on terrorism in Iraq in 2003. Beginning with a consideration of the notion of strategic culture, the study refines and adapts the concept to the case of Germany through a consideration of aspects of the rearmament of West Germany. It then critically evaluates the transformation of the role of the Bundeswehr up to and including the war on terrorism, together with Germany's troubled efforts to enact defence reforms, as well as the complex politics surrounding the policy of conscription. By focusing on both the ‘domestics’ of security policy decision making as well as the changing and often contradictory expectations of Germany's allies, this book provides a comprehensive analysis of the role played by Germany's particular strategic culture in shaping policy choices. It concludes by pointing to the vibrancy of Germany's strategic culture.

From Afghanistan to Iraq
Kerry Longhurst

. One of the many effects of that day was the emergence of a fundamental difference between US and German perspectives regarding the use of force and how best to combat the sources of global terrorism. The transformation that US foreign policy underwent after (and arguably even before) September 11 brought into focus the peculiarities and continuities present within German security thinking. The Longhurst, Germany and the use of force.qxd 80 30/06/2004 16:25 Page 80 Germany and the use of force next section discusses at some length the evolution of US

in Germany and the use of force
Raymond Hinnebusch

the PLO thus achieved international legitimacy could it afford to recognise Israel and in November 1988 it accepted UN Resolution 242, contingent on acquisition of a Palestinian state in the occupied territories. The consequent US decision to start a dialogue with the PLO after it renounced terrorism, presented a new opportunity but was taken by the Israeli elite to be a threat against which the Labour and Likud parties joined in a ‘wall-to-wall coalition’ government. However, the two main Israeli parties were drawing apart. The Likud

in The international politics of the Middle East
Kerry Longhurst

more far-reaching reforms emerged, with many of Germany’s allies and partners eager to see a greater commitment to modernise the Bundeswehr as well as increase defence spending. Stimulus for change was then provided by the events of September 11 2001 and the subsequent US-led war on terrorism, which served to finally explode the longstanding assumption that national and alliance territorial defence was central to the Bundeswehr’s mission and rationale. Certainly, the Bundeswehr at the start of the twenty-first century is a very different entity from that of the Cold War

in Germany and the use of force
Political differences yield to economic rivalry
James W. Peterson

, visiting American officials were often puzzled by the fact that all the leaders had an authoritarian governing style that approximated to the form of rule when each state had been a Soviet republic. In fact, some of these leaders had simply stayed on in the job after the 1991 transition. American officials were bold to criticize that pattern of rule in the new allies during the struggle against terrorism, and they often suggested that democratic reforms would be a fine idea. Such pressure nudged the Central Asian regimes back toward greater closeness to Russia, and the

in Russian-American relations in the post-Cold War world
Open Access (free)
The past as prologue
Kerry Longhurst

on the use of force became, especially in the context of the expansion of the US-led war against terrorism in 2003, more reminiscent of the restrictive, amilitaristic, foreign policy style of the pre-1990 Bonn Republic. This mixture of change and continuity also pervades the structure of the Federal armed forces and the pace of defence sector reforms. While the Bundeswehr, Germany’s armed force, has become better equipped for modern out-of-area missions, its post-1989 process of transformation and modernisation remains limited and largely inadequate due to the

in Germany and the use of force
A mixed set of perceptions
James W. Peterson

bound to influence American–Russian relations in significant ways. It is clear that the Afghan War brought the two together, while the Iraq and Georgia wars drove them apart. To Russia, the 9/11 attacks resembled very much the Chechen attacks on key civilian gatherings in Russia, and in that light it was willing to work with the Bush administration in controlling Afghan-based terrorism. However, the attacks on Iraq seemed to President Putin to have less justification and to be either excessive or an example of the new American unilateralism. Georgia's vulnerability to

in Russian-American relations in the post-Cold War world
Abstract only
Theoretical approaches and a path from the Crimea to stability
James W. Peterson

). Egypt also received overtures from Russia. This occurred after the emergence of a military figure as Egyptian president put some space between that nation and the United States. President Abdal Fatah al-Sisi visited Moscow for a third time in mid-2015 in an effort to persuade it to play a bigger role in the fight against terrorism in the Middle East ( SME 2015k ). The Russian press depicted the meeting as one that fostered cooperation and would deepen trade relations between the two states ( Izvestia 2015i ). Iran was also on President Putin's agenda, for before

in Russian-American relations in the post-Cold War world