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How state preferences influence campaign forms
Stephen Noakes

matter as much as the mere existence of ties. HIV/​AIDS and global warming activists forged their relationships with the state on the basis of professional credibility, rather than personal networks or kinship, suggesting that what one knows is equally as important as who one knows. Third, while generally it is thought that China has seen an across-​the-​ board reduction in the nature and degree of state repression since the Tiananmen Square massacre, it is important to remember that almost all foreign activists working on Chinese soil are subject to constraints in one

in The advocacy trap
Abstract only
Neil Collins
and
Andrew Cottey

opportunities. . . . China has opened its door, and will never close it again. (quoted in Roy 1998: 33) From the early 1980s, China gradually set about implementing this new policy: the country was opened up to foreign investment; exportoriented industries were encouraged; and, initiatives were launched to resolve historic disputes and promote political and economic cooperation with most neighbouring states. The post-1949 goal of promoting revolution elsewhere in the world, already downgraded since the 1960s, was quietly abandoned. The 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre might

in Understanding Chinese politics
Axel Berkofsky

embargo imposed on China in 1989 was always the most central issue on the dialogue’s agenda, it is accurate to conclude that the motivation for Tokyo to initiate regular exchanges on East Asian security in the framework of its dialogue with the EU on East Asian security was identical to Washington’s motivations in 2004: institutionalising political pressure on Brussels not to lift the weapons embargo imposed on China after the Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989 ( Berkofsky, 2012 ). Today, that dialogue continues, and its main objective is for the parties to informally

in Japan's new security partnerships
Neil Collins
and
Andrew Cottey

private hands. So, as Saich puts it: ‘the vertical and cellular boundaries of the traditional Leninist system have become more porous’ (Saich 2002: 75). Nevertheless, to understand the governing of the Chinese state, it is necessary to appreciate the pervasive role of the CCP. As Perry asserted in 2005: ‘nearly three decades after Mao’s death and more than fifteen years past June Fourth [the Tiananmen Square massacre], China remains a Leninist party-state’ (Perry 2005: 7). To understand the governing of the Chinese state in this context of change, this chapter will

in Understanding Chinese politics