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Dimitris N. Chryssochoou
,
Michael J. Tsinisizelis
,
Stelios Stavridis
, and
Kostas Ifantis

4 The Treaty of Nice and its critics Introduction In February 2000, yet another IGC, the fourth since the entry into force of the SEA in 1987, inaugurated its workings with the explicit objective to arrive at a resolution on the so-called ‘Amsterdam leftovers’. That is to say, on those decisions that should have been decided upon during the June 1997 Amsterdam Summit, where a pronouncement had not proved possible. This was no easy task given the animosity of the deliberations during the Amsterdam process and the high stakes drawn in case of breakdown and, by

in Theory and reform in the European Union

This substantially updated and revised edition offers a comprehensive overview of the challenges confronting the political system as well as the international politics of the European Union. It draws from a spectrum of regional integration theories to determine what the Union actually is and how it is developing, examining the constitutional politics of the European Union, from the Single European Act to the Treaty of Nice and beyond. The ongoing debate on the future of Europe links together the questions of democracy and legitimacy, competences and rights, and the prospects for European polity-building. The aim is to contribute to a better understanding of the emerging European polity and the questions that further treaty reform generates for the future of the regional system. The authors also assess the evolving European security architecture; the limits and possibilities of a genuine European foreign, security and defence policy; and the role of the EU in the post-Cold War international system. Common themes involve debates about stability and instability, continuity and change, multipolarity and leadership, co-operation and discord, power capabilities and patterns of behaviour. The book traces the defining features of the ‘new order’ in Europe and incorporates an analysis of the post-September 11th context.

Abstract only
Katy Hayward

the Treaty of Nice in 2001. The difference this time, and a crucial one, was that the turnout was 53.1 per cent – higher than for either referendum on the Treaty of Nice. This disproved the theory (maintained by the pro-European political parties) that most Irish voters are ‘Yes’ voters by default and that they simply had to be encouraged out to vote; these parties actually had to compete (against a more effectual if typically disparate ‘No’ campaign) in persuading people how to vote. Yet criticisms made in the concluding chapter of this book regarding the conduct

in Irish nationalism and European integration
Abstract only
Katy Hayward

European Union in Irish official nationalism. However, after nearly thirty years of relatively uneventful EU membership, questions were raised regarding the success of this process given the rejection of the Treaty of Nice in the first referendum in June 2001. To what extent does this represent dissolution of the close ties between nation-state and European Union in Irish official nationalism? Until the June 2001 referendum on the Treaty of Nice, all referendums on EU treaties since accession had passed with a significant majority. Yet this majority had been in decline

in Irish nationalism and European integration
Arantza Gomez Arana

Treaty of Maastricht in 1992 that brought some of the most important policy changes in external relations. In contrast, changes incorporated by the 1997 Treaty of Amsterdam, the 2001 Treaty of Nice and the 2009 Treaty of Lisbon did not alter EU policy-making towards Mercosur. It should be noted that the term EU is used consistently throughout, in an attempt to avoid the confusion that would arise from the use of European Community or European Union, depending on whether the discussion concerns pre- or post-Maastricht events. EU policy-making towards Mercosur EU policy

in The European Union's policy towards Mercosur:
Mark Webber

-European character, as all were adjuncts to members more properly situated in geographic Europe. The opportunity afforded by the end of the Cold War did not lead to greater precision. Article 49 of the TEU (as amended by the Treaty of Nice) refers to geographic eligibility for membership in essentially the same terms as the Treaty of Rome. The EU has, in fact, been unwilling to define the borders of Europe (and thus

in Inclusion, exclusion and the governance of European Security
Power, accountability and democracy

Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons.

The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.

Euro-nationalism, not Euroscepticism
Michael Holmes

1998 – Treaty of Amsterdam Yes Yes Yes No 2001 – Treaty of Nice (1

in Ireland and the European Union
Brid Quinn
and
Bernadette Connaughton

cohesion policies, of which Ireland has been a major beneficiary. The debate has now broadened with more attention 5306ST New Patterns-C/lb.qxd 44 3/9/09 16:45 Page 44 Europeanisation and new patterns of governance in Ireland Table 3.1 European referendums in Ireland Date 1972 1987 1992 1998 2001 2002 2008 Topic Membership Single European Act Maastricht Treaty Treaty of Amsterdam Treaty of Nice Treaty of Nice Treaty of Lisbon Yes (%) No (%) 83.1 69.6 69.1 61.7 46.1 62.9 46.6 16.9 30.1 30.1 38.3 53.9 37.1 53.4 Turn-out (%) 70.9 44.1 57.3 56.2 34.8 49.5 53

in Europeanisation and new patterns of governance in Ireland
Katy Hayward

. This perhaps explains some of the divergence from the script around the first referendum on the Treaty of Nice in 2001, in which several Fianna Fáil government ministers were more frank than ever before in expressing concern about the direction of European integration (Hayward, 2002). Regardless of whether the ‘yes’ campaigning of government ministers is done whilst wearing an official hat, official discourse becomes no less important or revealing around referendums on EU treaties. The use of the ‘national interest’ card remains as frequent as ever in pro

in Irish nationalism and European integration