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Katy Hayward

the Treaty of Nice in 2001. The difference this time, and a crucial one, was that the turnout was 53.1 per cent – higher than for either referendum on the Treaty of Nice. This disproved the theory (maintained by the pro-European political parties) that most Irish voters are ‘Yes’ voters by default and that they simply had to be encouraged out to vote; these parties actually had to compete (against a more effectual if typically disparate ‘No’ campaign) in persuading people how to vote. Yet criticisms made in the concluding chapter of this book regarding the conduct

in Irish nationalism and European integration
Power, accountability and democracy

Does European integration contribute to, or even accelerate, the erosion of intra-party democracy? This book is about improving our understanding of political parties as democratic organisations in the context of multi-level governance. It analyses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on power dynamics, focusing on the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party (PS), and the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The purpose of this book is to investigate who within the three parties determines EU policies and selects EU specialists, such as the candidates for European parliamentary elections and EU spokespersons.

The book utilises a principal-agent framework to investigate the delegation of power inside the three parties across multiple levels and faces. It draws on over 65 original interviews with EU experts from the three national parties and the Party of European Socialists (PES) and an e-mail questionnaire. This book reveals that European policy has largely remained in the hands of the party leadership. Its findings suggest that the party grassroots are interested in EU affairs, but that interest rarely translates into influence, as information asymmetry between the grassroots and the party leadership makes it very difficult for local activists to scrutinise elected politicians and to come up with their own policy proposals. As regards the selection of EU specialists, such as candidates for the European parliamentary elections, this book highlights that the parties’ processes are highly political, often informal, and in some cases, undemocratic.

Euro-nationalism, not Euroscepticism
Michael Holmes

1998 – Treaty of Amsterdam Yes Yes Yes No 2001 – Treaty of Nice (1

in Ireland and the European Union
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Nationalism in internationalism
Michael Holmes
and
Kathryn Simpson

rejection of the Nice and Lisbon treaties in Ireland. Because of the perception of Ireland as a good European, ‘when Ireland voted No to the Treaty of Nice in June 2001, the reaction in many quarters was as if a good pupil had suddenly misbehaved’ ( Holmes 2005a : 1). The further No vote on the Treaty of Lisbon in 2008 suggested that ‘Ireland’s long-standing consensus on the

in Ireland and the European Union
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Eliciting a response from the Irish parliament to European integration
Gavin Barrett

Paper on a European Communication Policy.171 The Committee could also focus on important issues, instead of being forced by unsuitable terms of reference –​as had been its predecessor, the Joint Committee on the Secondary Legislation of the Communities –​to concentrate most of its energies in the dry exercise of working through myriad European legislative proposals (a task it happily left to its Scrutiny Sub-​Committee). In 2001, to give a randomly-​chosen example, the Committee held meetings dealing with such subjects as the Treaty of Nice, the introduction of the

in The evolving role of national parliaments in the European Union
Gavin Barrett

, COSAC instead remained largely a forum for the exchange of information and best practice.49 The Amsterdam IGC fell far short of meeting the high expectations of advocates of an increased role for national parliaments. However it did clarify that enhancing the  European Parliament’s powers would no longer suffice as the near-​exclusive focus of tackling the EU’s democratic deficit. The prospect of change: the Treaty of Nice Agreement on the Amsterdam Treaty was followed, within a few short years, by that on the Nice Treaty, which entered into force in 2003.50 This

in The evolving role of national parliaments in the European Union
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Katy Hayward

European Union in Irish official nationalism. However, after nearly thirty years of relatively uneventful EU membership, questions were raised regarding the success of this process given the rejection of the Treaty of Nice in the first referendum in June 2001. To what extent does this represent dissolution of the close ties between nation-state and European Union in Irish official nationalism? Until the June 2001 referendum on the Treaty of Nice, all referendums on EU treaties since accession had passed with a significant majority. Yet this majority had been in decline

in Irish nationalism and European integration
Catalysts for reform of the Oireachtas role in European Union affairs
Gavin Barrett

part, cease to apply to the State, but any such exercise shall be subject to the prior approval of both Houses of the Oireachtas.156 Facilitating both Houses’ authorisation of enhanced cooperation Enhanced cooperation (i.e., closer cooperation between a subset of the EU’s full membership) received its clearest sanction yet in the Amsterdam Treaty, then subsequently clearer and more detailed treatment (and the name “enhanced cooperation”) in the Treaty of Nice. According to what is now Article 29.4.7° of the Constitution, The State may exercise the options or

in The evolving role of national parliaments in the European Union
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The parties in public office and the EU
Isabelle Hertner

-left parties and the European Union in mind that during Jospin’s premiership, EU policy was shared with President Chirac, who attended European Council meetings alongside Jospin. During Jospin’s premiership, the French parliament ratified the Amsterdam Treaty (for Jospin’s input, please see Chapter 3). France also convened the EU presidency in 2000 and took the lead in the drafting of the Treaty of Nice. Yet, these major decisions took place largely outside the control of the (parliamentary) party, and neither the DUE nor its successor, the CAE, had the power to shape the

in Centre-left parties and the European Union
Organisational and programmatic developments among left-of-centre TNPs
Richard Dunphy
and
Luke March

influence since, particularly over the Treaty of Nice (2001) and Convention for the Future of Europe (2001–3), which drew up the first EU draft Constitution (Johansson, 1999 ; Ladrech, 2000 ; Lightfoot, 2005 ). Its EP parliamentary group has become both stable and cohesive, with vote cohesion of 91.54 per cent in the 2009–14 Parliament, the third most disciplined group (VoteWatch.eu, 2015a ). Nevertheless, more direct policy impact is difficult to demonstrate. The first EP manifesto to which all PES members signed up was achieved only as late as 1999, although far

in The European Left Party