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This book explores the reasons and justifications for the Chinese state’s campaign to erase Uyghur identity, focusing, in particular, on how China’s manipulation of the US-led Global War on Terror (GWOT) has facilitated this cultural genocide. It is the first book to address this issue in depth, and serves as an important rebuttal to Chinese state claims that this campaign is a benign effort to combat an existential extremist threat. While the book suggests that the motivation for this state-led campaign is primarily China’s gradual settler colonization of the Uyghur homeland, the text focuses on the narrative of the Uyghur terrorist threat that has provided international cover and justification for the campaign and has shaped its ‘biopolitical’ nature. It describes how the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was able to successfully implicate Uyghurs in GWOT and, despite a lack of evidence, brand them internationally as a serious terrorist threat within the first year of the war. In recounting these developments, the book offers a critique of existing literature on the Uyghur terrorist threat and questions the extent of this threat to the PRC. Finding no evidence for the existence of such a threat when the Chinese state first declared its existence in 2001, the book argues that a nominal Uyghur militant threat only emerged after over a decade of PRC suppression of Uyghur dissent in the name of counterterrorism, facilitating a ‘self-fulfilling prophecy’ that has served to justify further state repression and ultimately cultural genocide.

Imperial glaciers in Russian Central Asia
Christine Bichsel

the nineteenth and early twentieth century in Central Asia (or ‘Russian Turkestan’, as the region was then called). Take, for example, the Abramov Glacier ( Figure 6.1 ) in Kyrgyzstan: a key site of Soviet glaciology in Central Asia with an onsite research station hosting up to seventy scientists and support staff. The glaciological and meteorological data collected continuously from the Abramov Glacier since 1967 informs ongoing research on mountain glaciers and climate change today (see for example Denzinger et al ., 2021 ). Yet the very name of the Abramov

in Ice humanities
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Resisting racism in times of national security
Editor:

In times of national security, scholars and activists who hail from the communities under suspicion attempt to draw readers and listeners to the complexity of the world we inhabit. For those who campaigned against the SUS law in the 1980s, when young Black men were being routinely stopped in the streets, the wave of counter-terrorism legislation and policy that exists today will be very familiar. Similarly, recent discussions about the impact of drill music in the culture of young Black men has drawn questions around the ways in which they should be securitised, with senior police calling for the use of terrorism legislation against them. In this environment, when those who study and have lived alongside the communities who are at the scrutiny of the state raise questions about the government, military and police policy, they are often shut down as terrorist-sympathisers, or apologists for gang culture. In such environments, there is an expectation on scholars and activists to condemn what society at large fears. This volume is about how that expectation has emerged alongside the normalisation of racism, and how these writers choose to subvert the expectations raised on them, as part of their commitment to anti-racism.

Conflict with minorities
Terry Narramore

sought independence and, after an aborted attempt in 1933, established an East Turkestan Republic (1944–49). 23 These experiences, however limited, provided inspiration to later calls for independence from the PRC state. 24 Although the fractured Republican period allowed Tibet and Xinjiang greater scope to develop nationality claims, neither of the major parties contending for state power gave

in Violence and the state
Chien-peng Chung

per cent by the Turkic Muslim Kazaks, and 40 per cent by the Han. Xinjiang's history of short-lived Uyghur independence movements in the 1930s and 1940s has inflamed the passions of some Uyghur militants to realise an independent Xinjiang, which they refer to as Uyghuristan or, more commonly, East Turkestan. Others typically want a minimum of recognition from the Chinese state that Xinjiang should be considered the historic homeland of the Uyghurs. For top officials in Xinjiang, the biggest challenge has been to prevent terrorist activities by alleged Uyghur

in Armed non-state actors and the politics of recognition
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‘You know nothing, Jon Snow’
Asim Qureshi

terms of ‘Power’ instead. There are good reasons to choose the latter term, particularly within a national security context, considering the seemingly exponential rise of Hindutva nationalism in India and Han-centric cultural genocide in East Turkestan. With many White Muslims also the subject of ‘racialisation’ within the context of national security, our ideas about how racism as a system and structure of power works are complicated. That said, many of the authors in this volume have chosen to use ‘Whiteness’ as a construct that they feel describes a structure of

in I Refuse to Condemn
Neil Collins
and
Andrew Cottey

Understanding Chinese politics protests at Chinese rule have, at least according to PRC accounts, often involved a militant separatist group. The East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM) is said to seek an independent, Islamic state of East Turkestan, though its very existence is disputed. Not one significant terrorist attack against any strategic infrastructural target . . . has ever been documented, nor have any incidents been verifiably identified with any international Uyghur or Islamic organization . . . Such as they are, China’s Uyghur separatists are small in number

in Understanding Chinese politics
Nadya Ali

others so that we, and those we are bound to, might grow.18 A love ethic, as she calls it, ‘transforms our lives by offering us a different set of values to live by’.19 Out of the heinous violence of Christchurch, the everyday Islamophobia of the UK, the Islamophobia which is manifest in the camps of East Turkestan, or in the lynchings in India, I am reminded that the feelings that drive me to resist, and even to take hope, are feelings of the deepest love I hold for each of you. That you might grow, study, worship, agitate, organise, work, and live in a place that is

in I Refuse to Condemn
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Encountering and knowing ice in and beyond colonial India
Thomas Simpson

seventeenth century was thereby harnessed to growing awareness among Europeans in the late nineteenth century that the ice of High Asia was liable to change rapidly. Recent historical climatology has shown that the global Little Ice Age continued unusually late in the Karakoram. Enhanced British efforts from the 1860s to gain footholds in the political and trading worlds of the contiguous locales of Ladakh and Turkestan (Gardner, 2021 : 92–132) coincided with the growth of many of the largest extra-polar glaciers in the world (along with surprising and much

in Ice humanities
Social engineering, ‘a rebirth of the nation’, and a significant building block in China’s creeping genocide
Anna Hayes

–62 . Millward , James , and Nabijan Tursun ( 2004 ). ‘ Political History and Strategies of Control, 1884–1978 ’, in S. Frederick Starr (ed.), Xinjiang: China's Muslim Borderland ( New York : M. E. Sharpe ), 63–98 . National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration ( n.d. ). ‘ Significant Earthquake: China, Xinjiang, Turkestan 22 August 1902 ’, www.ngdc.noaa.gov/nndc/struts/results?eq_0=2631&t=101650&s=13

in The Xinjiang emergency