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Law between semicolonial China and the Raj
Emily Whewell

Empire laid claim to Xinjiang after conquest in 1759, but as a distant land far from imperial power in Beijing, Qing rule was always tenuous. Most prominently, a rebellion led by the Khoqandi warlord Yaqub Beg, establishing the independent state of ‘Turkestan’ (1865–77), demonstrated the fragile central control of Qing power. 5 The Chinese Empire later poured more resources into reconsolidating its sovereignty in a military conquest. It became a province in 1884 and the Qing renamed it ‘Xinjiang’, meaning the ‘New Frontier’. As a province on the edge of the Qing

in Law across imperial borders
The decline of consular rights, 1917–39
Emily Whewell

the necessity of Chinese acquiescence of transfrontier trade of key commodities and the need for a treaty basis for the exercise of his consular powers. Although Etherton could see the applicability of the treaty for Xinjiang, it was wishful thinking. In spring of 1920, the long-anticipated process of the abrogation of Russian extraterritoriality finally started. In April, members of the newly established Soviet Turkestan Commission pledged to terminate the privileges formally enjoyed by subjects of the Czarist Empire. In return, they asked for the reopening of

in Law across imperial borders
Abstract only
Emily Whewell

’s New Communities in East Asia, 1842–1953 ( Manchester : Manchester University Press , 2000 ), pp. 75 – 87 . On explorers, see: J. Dabbs , A History of the Discovery and Exploration of Chinese Turkestan ( The Hague : Mouton , 1963 ); D. Glover et al. (eds) Explorers and Scientists in China’s Borderlands, 1880–1950 ( Seattle : University of Washington Press , 2011 ); E. Mueggler , The Paper Road: Archive and Experience in the Botanical Exploration of West China and Tibet ( Berkeley : University of California Press , 2011 ). On politics, see

in Law across imperial borders
Emily Whewell

, ‘ Bolshevism as I saw it at Tashkent in 1918 ’, Journal of the Central Asian Society , 7 : 2–3 ( 1920 ), 42 – 58 ; P. Etherton , In the Heart of Asia ( Boston : Houghton Mifflin Company , 1926 ). 10 IOR: L/PS/11/74 India Office Secret and Political Department, ‘Minute: Chinese Turkestan’, 7 March 1914; ‘Translation of Despatch No. 49, Chang Yung-Ching, Kuan-Cha-Shih of Kashgar and Superintendent of Foreign Intercourse Affairs’, 2 December 1913. 11 ‘Hindustandi’ was a generic term for the language used by many British Indian subjects. Today we might consider

in Law across imperial borders
Patrick O’Leary

backed on to the hostile environment of the Tibetan plateau, from the north-east by thick jungle and the waters of the Brahmaputra and Ganges, and by the deserts and hills of the north-west. The only conceivable threats, given the weakness of the dying Chinese empire, were a Russian incursion through Afghanistan or Russian Turkestan or a move by France through Siam into Burma. The

in Servants of the empire
Theodore Roosevelt’ssecond corollary to the Monroe Doctrine
Charlie Laderman

Russia in Turkestan. He viewed US expansion overseas as consistent with a larger manifest destiny, considering it part of a larger dissemination of European peoples and their principles. For a man of Roosevelt’s assertive nationalism and moralistic bent, however, US expansion could not simply serve as an equivalent of European imperialism. As the historian Richard Leopold once

in Rhetorics of empire
The impact of the South African War on imperial defence
Keith Jeffery

Africa simply by ordering his forces in Turkestan to mobilise. 12 From the 1890s onwards the Indian military authorities periodically estimated the defence requirements of India in the event of Russian aggression. In 1904 Lord Kitchener – who had succeeded Lord Roberts as Commander-in-Chief in South Africa in November 1901 and (no doubt glad to get back to ‘real’ soldiering after

in The South African War reappraised
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Railways and the preparation for war, 1914
Edward M. Spiers

on 1 May 1907. After extensive hearings, they learnt that all the authorities, Kitchener included, no longer anticipated large-scale aggression or a direct assault on India by Russia. Both Kitchener and Sir William Nicholson, then quartermaster-general to the forces, envisaged the possibility of a more insidious policy, involving incremental movements into Herat and Afghan Turkestan, with an advance by stages on to

in Engines for empire
Robert H. MacDonald

Canadian West in The Great Lone Land (1873); Fred Burnaby’s story of his epic journey to Turkestan, A Ride to Khiva (1876); Henry Stanley’s ‘discovery’ of Africa, How I Found Livingstone ( 1872 ). 60 ‘The Feet of the Young Men’, The Five Nations , New York, 1917, pp. 37

in The language of empire
Abstract only
Gordon Pirie

people suspected something more sinister than jaunting over Everest. One story circulated by anti-British agitators was that the real object was to fly to Turkestan and assist one of the warring factions in China. Clydesdale ascribed the ‘grotesque’ rumour to ignorance of both geography and aeronautics. Even so, he opposed the mid-air release of a smoke bomb that the camera

in Cultures and caricatures of British imperial aviation