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The Anglo-American new world order from Wilson to Bush (Second edition)
Editor:

This book explores the way in which the Anglo-American new world order (NWO) debate changed by 9/11, and the encouragement this has given to the 'neoconservatives' or 'neocons' within the George W. Bush Administration. It examines the policy-making process as it developed before the Versailles Conference of 1919. An extensive literature exists on the 'lessons of Versailles' and particularly on the 'failure' of the League of Nations (LON), one that started even before the signature of the Treaty of Versailles. The book then explores how the Conference and the LON attempted to frame the immediate problems of the post-war period. It shows how NWO architects' thinking developed in what might be called the area of 'global security' from the period of the First World War until the present. The clear evidence is that the American thinking on the NWO had a huge impact in Britain's processes in the same direction. President Theodore Roosevelt shared a deep suspicion of British motives for the post-war settlement in line with most Americans. He attributed blame for the inter-war crisis as much to British and French intransigence and balance of power politics at Versailles as to German aggression. The results of the Versailles settlement hung like a cloud over Allied relationships during the Second World War and gave a powerful impetus in American circles for an attitude of 'never again'. The variety of historical archival material presented provided the background to the current and historical American obsession with creating the world order.

Andrew Williams

issues until the end of the Versailles Conference. They also provided a number of key personnel at Versailles itself, especially Tyrrell, Nicolson, Vansittart and Rex Leeper. The PID was clearly initially seen as suspect both by the Foreign Office establishment and by the Establishment in the wider sense. This was a group of ‘experts’, a genre viewed with great suspicion at the time, and moreover a group of sixteen experts who were of a very ‘catholic’ background. The need for it was nonetheless widely realised by the end of the Conference, and General Smuts, who

in Failed imagination?
Andrew Williams

Versailles, and those who designed and implemented it, form a central part of his overall critique. One way of responding to his critique is obviously to examine how the individuals involved in the elaboration of the Treaty and Covenant actually behaved. As a participant himself, although rather more as one on the sidelines, he must have been aware of the currents that were flowing at Versailles in 1919 and it is reasonable to expect that he was influenced by them. During the key part of the Versailles Conference, between March and July MUP/Williams/ch2 59 23/10/98, 11

in Failed imagination?
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Andrew Williams

attempts is that many of the institutional frameworks developed to tilt the balance of global politics in favour of peace were deeply flawed. Hence Karl Polanyi drew the conclusion in 1944 that the ‘failure’ of the Versailles Conference was its ‘forestall[ing of] any reconstruction of the balance of power system’. He believed that ‘Europe was now without any political system whatsoever’21 and, incidentally, had put its hopes in the false gods of the market. Thus 1919 plus the ‘Crash’ of 1929 equalled disaster. Others agreed with Polanyi, but added that the states

in Failed imagination?
Andrew Williams

his thinking it is logical that this area of NWO thinking should have been given due weight in the negotiations at the Paris Peace Conference. Self-determination at the Paris Peace Conference Nonetheless, the overwhelming impression that one gets from reading the contemporary record of the Versailles Conference is that this was the issue that was dealt with in the most cavalier fashion. What was supposed to be the cornerstone of Wilson’s plans for Europe and the rest of the world was in part a major casualty of the compromises made by the Allies in order to ensure

in Failed imagination?