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Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles
Rony Brauman

’ personnel bearing that same emblem, based on the Swiss flag, in homage to the country hosting the conference. The Geneva Conventions have evolved, filling out with each successive conference, and their scope has been broadened to include the shipwrecked (1906), prisoners (1929) and civilian populations (1949). ‘Additional protocols’ were adopted in 1977, in the wake of the wars of decolonisation and the Vietnam War, to cover ‘irregular’ forces in domestic conflicts. The original

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

aspirations of the casualties of the attempt to create one world in the image of liberal freedom. Resistance was often futile or at least hugely costly (think of Vietnam). Wars were waged for decades to ensure no part of the system could harbour an economic model or an ideological commitment that was antithetical to the liberal capitalist consensus or refuse to open up its resources to the needs of the international market ( Robinson, 1996 ). Take, for example, Henri Dunant, the patron saint of modern humanitarianism, who was actually at Solferino

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps, Lasse Heerten, Arua Oko Omaka, Kevin O'Sullivan, and Bertrand Taithe

, these references also lead us into the global 1960s. It is only partly true that Biafra was the first postcolonial conflict that was discussed as a genocide – but the way these references worked changed with Biafra. Already before the American war in South East Asia, what is usually called the Vietnam War was then described as possibly genocidal. This was something that many New Leftists at least were concerned about. Some of their leading figures and intellectuals associated

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Sources of anti-Americanism
Mitchell B. Reiss

the Vietnam War and what they viewed as American imperialism. Those who are ‘reflexively pro-American’ are far fewer and less able to counter the voices of anti-Americanism. To recap, there are important systemic changes that promote and encourage a greater prominence and higher profile for the United States in world affairs, due largely to American military, economic and diplomatic primacy. They require the United States to play a larger role than before as a provider of regional and international security, at a time when many of the old rules are changing, but new

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
Promises and perils
Prashanth Parameswaran

Introduction Southeast Asia has traditionally occupied a marginal role in US foreign policy in general and US Asia policy in particular, and American commitment to the region has remained quite ambivalent since the end of the Cold War. But during his time in office, US President Barack Obama raised the level of US attention given to Southeast Asia and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) to a level not seen since the end of the Vietnam War. 1 Seeing Southeast Asia and ASEAN as vital to preserving what it referred to as the rules

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
John F. Kerry

before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, asking the unanswerable question: ‘How do you ask a man to be the last man to die for a mistake?’ His opposition to the Vietnam War was as patriotic and principled as his participation in it had been. In short, he knew the perils of both war and peacemaking. Elected as a Senator from Massachusetts in 1984, he maintained and broadened his interest in international affairs through his membership of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, of which he was later to become Chairman. In 2004, Kerry became the Democratic Party

in Peacemaking in the twenty-first century
Anglo-American ironies under Clinton, Blair, and Bush
David Ryan

the Atlantic. In both cases the British prime minister Tony Blair forged close personal relations with the respective US presidents, William J. Clinton and George W. Bush. Though both cases were multilateral, the narratives of the transatlantic ‘special relationship’ were augmented by memories of the World Wars, and especially evocative of the Roosevelt–Churchill affinity. After the Vietnam War, burden sharing was important to US policy makers; indeed, for some in the Pentagon it was a prerequisite 3 – Washington would not ‘pay any price’ or ‘bear any burden

in Culture matters
Abstract only
Language and politics
Richard Jackson

and large sectors of society start to doubt the necessity or rightness of the conflict, as occurred during the latter stages of the Vietnam War, it becomes extremely difficult to sustain. The process of inducing consent – of normalising the practice of the war – therefore requires more than just propaganda or ‘public diplomacy’; it actually requires the construction of a whole new language, or a kind

in Writing the war on terrorism
Abstract only
Robert M. Hendershot and Steve Marsh

California Press , 2003 ); Jessica C. E. Gienow-Hecht , ‘ Shame on US? Academics, Cultural Transfer, and the Cold War: A Critical Review ,’ Diplomatic History , 24 : 3 ( 2000 ), 465 – 494 ; Emily Rosenberg , Spreading the American Dream: American Economic and Cultural Expansion 1890–1945 ( New York : Hill & Wang , 1982 ). 35 See, for example, Christian Appy , American Reckoning: The Vietnam War and Our National Identity ( New York : Penguin Books , 2016 ); Nicholas Sarantakes , ‘ In the Service of Zeus: International Sport and International

in Culture matters
James P. Pfiffner

worked up until then; they thought a military invasion would be costly; and they thought that a likely US victory would entail a lengthy occupation of Iraq. 19 Echoing another president from Texas, Lyndon Johnson, who similarly minimized the concerns of opponents of the Vietnam War, George Bush dismissed the concerns of the professional military: “There’s a lot of nervous nellies at the Pentagon.” 20

in Intelligence and national security policymaking on Iraq