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The case of Rosemary Taylor, Elaine Moir and Margaret Moses
Joy Damousi

those who adhere to law and order, and another law for those who defy. In other words she has made a mockery of the immigration laws of this country’. 7 Rosemary Taylor (1938–2019), Elaine Moir (1937–2012) and their companion Margaret Moses (1940–75) became synonymous with the humanitarian operations involved in aiding war orphans during the Vietnam War. Much of the literature on Taylor, Moir and Moses

in Humanitarianism, empire and transnationalism, 1760–1995
Labour’s foreign policy since 1951

This is the second book in a two-volume study tracing the evolution of the Labour Party's foreign policy throughout the twentieth century to the present date. It is a comprehensive study of the history of the Labour Party's worldview and foreign policy. The study argues that Labour's foreign policy perspective should be seen not as the development of a socialist foreign policy, but as an application of the ideas of liberal internationalism. Volume Two provides a critical analysis of Labour's foreign policy since 1951. It examines Labour's attempts to rethink foreign policy, focusing on intra-party debates, the problems that Labour faced when in power, and the conflicting pressures from party demands and external pressures. The book examines attitudes to rearmament in the 1950s, the party's response to the Suez crisis and the Vietnam War, the bitter divisions over nuclear disarmament and the radicalisation of foreign and defence policy in the 1980s. It also examines Labour's desire to provide moral leadership to the rest of the world. The last two chapters focus on the Blair and Brown years, with Blair's response to the Kosovo crisis and to 9/11, and his role in the ‘war on terror’. Whereas Blair's approach to foreign affairs was to place emphasis on the efficacy of the use of military force, Brown's instead placed faith in the use of economic measures.

This book is about understanding how former combatants come home after war, and how their political lives are refracted by the war and the experience of coming home itself. In particular, it captures the political mobilization among former combatants as they come home from three very different types of war: civil war (Colombia), war of independence (Namibia), and interstate war (United States involvement in the Vietnam War). The book provides a much-needed long-term perspective on peace. It also demonstrates the artificial division between literatures across the Global North and Global South, and demonstrates how these literatures speak to each other just as the three cases speak to each other. The novel use of interviews to document life histories and the inside perspective they provide also give a unique insight into the former combatants’ own perspectives on the process of coming home and their sense of political voice. This book is not about peacebuilding in the sense of interventions. Rather, it examines peace as a process through studying the lived experiences of individuals, displaying the dynamics of political mobilization after disarmament across time in the lives of fifty former combatants. The book demonstrates how the process of coming home shapes their political commitment and identity, and how the legacy of war is a powerful reminder in the lives of these former combatants long after the end of the war.

Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles
Rony Brauman

’ personnel bearing that same emblem, based on the Swiss flag, in homage to the country hosting the conference. The Geneva Conventions have evolved, filling out with each successive conference, and their scope has been broadened to include the shipwrecked (1906), prisoners (1929) and civilian populations (1949). ‘Additional protocols’ were adopted in 1977, in the wake of the wars of decolonisation and the Vietnam War, to cover ‘irregular’ forces in domestic conflicts. The original

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

aspirations of the casualties of the attempt to create one world in the image of liberal freedom. Resistance was often futile or at least hugely costly (think of Vietnam). Wars were waged for decades to ensure no part of the system could harbour an economic model or an ideological commitment that was antithetical to the liberal capitalist consensus or refuse to open up its resources to the needs of the international market ( Robinson, 1996 ). Take, for example, Henri Dunant, the patron saint of modern humanitarianism, who was actually at Solferino

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps, Lasse Heerten, Arua Oko Omaka, Kevin O'Sullivan, and Bertrand Taithe

, these references also lead us into the global 1960s. It is only partly true that Biafra was the first postcolonial conflict that was discussed as a genocide – but the way these references worked changed with Biafra. Already before the American war in South East Asia, what is usually called the Vietnam War was then described as possibly genocidal. This was something that many New Leftists at least were concerned about. Some of their leading figures and intellectuals associated

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Rhiannon Vickers

recalcitrant colleagues. Vic2-03_Vic01 10/03/2011 11:20 Page 64 64 THE LABOUR PARTY AND THE WORLD, VOLUME 2 Britain and the Vietnam War Michael Stewart, Harold Wilson’s Foreign Secretary for nearly four years in the 1960s, said that Vietnam ‘was to prove the most difficult and the most agonizing of all the problems I had to face’.20 While the party leadership saw Vietnam within the context of the Cold War contest against the spread of Communism, the party membership saw Vietnam largely as a war of national liberation. Vietnam galvanised leftwing opposition to Wilson

in The Labour Party and the world
1960s ex-radicals
Ashley Lavelle

chapter 2 ‘Turn on, tune in, drop out’ … drop back in: 1960s ex-radicals1 The decade of the 1960s was one of heightened radical political activity in crucial centres of capital accumulation (Horowitz, 1968: v).2 The Vietnam War, in particular, provided the impetus for the explosion of anti-capitalist campaigns across the Western world (Callinicos, 1994: 63). The period saw the emergence of a ‘new left’, whose ideology centred around personal liberation, participatory democracy, anti-racism and anti-sexism, direct action, community decision-making, and

in The politics of betrayal
Joseph Heller

commitment to the region was, taking into consideration that its resources were being drained by the Vietnam War. 4 There was a significant discrepancy between Israel’s priorities and those of the Johnson administration. Walt Rostow felt the various Ba’ath factions were vying for power, bringing anarchy to the regime, and Egypt would not go to war without Syria. Thus, it was difficult for the US administration

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
Testing the Memorandum of Understanding (1965–67)
Joseph Heller

could not attack. 14 At the same time, the escalating Vietnam War cast its shadow over the Cold War. Johnson needed to be persuaded, Israel suggested, that trust between the two countries had to be restored, perhaps in the form of the sale of Intruder planes. 15 Rodger Davies, Talbot’s deputy, admitted that only assurances of Israel’s security, with Egyptian acceptance, could persuade Israel to agree to

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67