Vietnamese refugees (about 2,000 of whom were so-called ‘boat people’)
by the mid-1980s in the wake of the VietnamWar (in which, as noted, Australia
was a combatant) was a conspicuous indication of the passing into history of White
Of course, legal changes did not mean an end to public debates and ideological
undercurrents surrounding Australia’s positioning in an Asian context, especially
given long-standing anxiety over what had often been described as the ‘Yellow Peril’.
The ‘Australia for the White Man’ banner of the politically influential and popular
This book explains the direct link between the structure of the corporation and its limitless capacity for ecological destruction. It argues that we need to find the most effective means of ending the corporation’s death grip over us. The corporation is a problem, not merely because it devours natural resources, pollutes and accelerates the carbon economy. As this book argues, the constitutional structure of the corporation eradicates the possibility that we can put the protection of the planet before profit. A fight to get rid of the corporations that have brought us to this point may seem an impossible task at the moment, but it is necessary for our survival. It is hardly radical to suggest that if something is killing us, we should over-power it and make it stop. We need to kill the corporation before it kills us.
Anthropology after Gluckman places the intimate circle around Max Gluckman, his Manchester School, in the vanguard of modern social anthropology. The book discloses the School’s intense, argument-rich collaborations, developing beyond an original focus in south and central Africa. Where outsiders have seen dominating leadership by Gluckman, a common stock of problems, and much about conflict, Richard Werbner highlights how insiders were drawn to explore many new frontiers in fieldwork and in-depth, reflexive ethnography, because they themselves, in class and gender, ethnicity and national origins, were remarkably inclusive. Characteristically different anthropologists, their careers met the challenges of being a public intellectual, an international celebrity, an institutional good citizen, a social and political activist, an advocate of legal justice. Their living legacies are shown, for the first time, through interlinked social biography and intellectual history to reach broadly across politics, law, ritual, semiotics, development studies, comparative urbanism, social network analysis and mathematical sociology. Innovation – in research methods and techniques, in documenting people’s changing praxis and social relations, in comparative analysis and a destabilizing strategy of re-analysis within ethnography – became the School’s hallmark. Much of this exploration confronted troubling times in Africa, colonial and postcolonial, which put the anthropologists and their anthropological knowledge at risk. The resurgence of debate about decolonization makes the accounts of fierce, End of Empire argument and recent postcolonial anthropology all the more topical. The lessons, even in activism, for social scientists, teachers as well as graduate and undergraduate students are compelling for our own troubled times.
The politics of Hmong refugee resettlement in the United States
Chia Youyee Vang
entire family.” La “will be busy with her children for some time yet,” the caseworker added. “I recommend that she get in English classes as soon as possible [so she can eventually take a job].”
Ka Neng and La were among the nearly 200,000 Hmong from Laos who fled following the VietnamWar. With no prior migration history to the Western hemisphere, Hmong presence in the United States is intimately tied to their ethnic group's entanglement with US military projects in Southeast Asia in the post-Second World War era
the demands of Extinction Rebellion;5
it has become a topic of interest for academic lawyers
WHYTE 9781526146984 PRINT.indd 4
Introduction: corporate ecocide
and criminologists,6 and has influenced criminal law
in a small number of states.7
The profit-making corporation was at the heart of
the political debates that gave birth to the concept
of “ecocide” almost half a century ago. In 1972 Olof
Palme, the Prime Minister of Sweden, used the concept to describe the use of napalm and the defoliant
Agent Orange during the VietnamWar. Chemical
Masculinities, ‘philanthrocapitalism’ and the military-industrial complex
Harry's deployment is contextualised in these issues. On his second tour of duty, rather than enforcing another blackout on reporting, the Ministry of Defence requested that media ‘act responsibly’ and ask its permission before publishing stories about Harry, effectively giving it control over coverage.
In return, reporters from the Press Association were allowed direct access to Harry. This model follows the ‘embedded journalism’ agreement established during the VietnamWar, where the US Ministry of Defense worried
), rather than rights-restricting, legal innovation would “mov[e] the border closer to the individual to offer her protection” ( p. 89 ). The one other successful example of this approach that Shachar describes is the Orderly Departure Program coordinated by the UNHCR after the end of the VietnamWar, involving more than thirty countries, that was credited with ultimately saving more than 2 million lives.
There are still other, less dramatic examples of processing-at-a-distance that give a more textured sense of the benefits and pitfalls of this approach. Shachar
admissions; these were notably
from South-east Asia in the shadow of the VietnamWar, but also from
Lebanese fleeing military conflict, and in Canada an increasing flow from
the Caribbean. After the initial influx the numbers continued to be augmented by family reunion programmes.7
While these changes were taking effect in receiving countries, the
place of immigration in British politics and society was itself undergoing
significant change. After the 1948 British Nationality Act citizens of the
colonies and independent Commonwealth countries had a right to settle
not a place where torture has ever been officially contemplated. This is to put it mildly and – contra the idealists like Senator John McCain – ahistorical. Torture has directly and through its proxies been integral to U.S. foreign policy since the VietnamWar. Mechanisms of no-touch torture based on sensory deprivation and self-inflicted pain were developed as part of the Phoenix program during that conflict and were then exported to Latin America and Asia under the guise of police training programs. 32 The School of Americas based in Panama from 1946 until 1984
smoking pot but then links to memories of an anti-Vietnamwar demonstration, so that personal reflections are complemented by external
I grinned to myself; they were harmless enough even though some of their elders
certainly did not approve; ‘harmless’, no that really wasn’t the word. The young
these days might appear frivolous, way out, but many of them, workers and students
– as well as, fair to say, some older people, were trying to stop a war.
They poured into Grosvenor Square, banners flying, the human tide swamping over the green, swelling into