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This book is about understanding how former combatants come home after war, and how their political lives are refracted by the war and the experience of coming home itself. In particular, it captures the political mobilization among former combatants as they come home from three very different types of war: civil war (Colombia), war of independence (Namibia), and interstate war (United States involvement in the Vietnam War). The book provides a much-needed long-term perspective on peace. It also demonstrates the artificial division between literatures across the Global North and Global South, and demonstrates how these literatures speak to each other just as the three cases speak to each other. The novel use of interviews to document life histories and the inside perspective they provide also give a unique insight into the former combatants’ own perspectives on the process of coming home and their sense of political voice. This book is not about peacebuilding in the sense of interventions. Rather, it examines peace as a process through studying the lived experiences of individuals, displaying the dynamics of political mobilization after disarmament across time in the lives of fifty former combatants. The book demonstrates how the process of coming home shapes their political commitment and identity, and how the legacy of war is a powerful reminder in the lives of these former combatants long after the end of the war.

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Nuclear weapons cooperation and the US–Australia alliance
Stephan Frühling and Andrew O'Neil

of obligation which America feels to Australia under ANZUS could be influenced by the contributions which Australia makes to the common defence’. 21 The Kennedy administration’s approach of bypassing SEATO on decisions concerning the US commitment to the Vietnam War effectively rendered the organisation moribund. 22 Australia’s decision to join the US-led coalition in Vietnam can

in Partners in deterrence
Jonathan Colman

sterling was renewed by the influx of $1 billion in credits from foreign central banks. 71 The Commonwealth Peace Mission on Vietnam A Foreign Office analysis from June 1965 examined the Vietnam War in the context of the Anglo-American relationship. It began by noting that British ‘direct involvement’ in Vietnam ‘is insignificant. Our major interest in the situation in Indochina is to see that it does not

in A ‘special relationship’?
Jonathan Colman

From January to April 1965 the character of the Wilson–Johnson relationship traversed the spectrum from discord to cordiality. Discord erupted over the Vietnam War when Wilson telephoned Washington in the early hours of 11 February to suggest to Johnson an urgent visit to the White House. Wilson later claimed that he wanted to see the President to try to ensure that there was no dangerous escalation

in A ‘special relationship’?
Harry Blutstein

. Having inherited a bloated military establishment, Kennedy wanted someone who would tame America’s industrial-­military complex. JFK was not disappointed. His new secretary for defence tore through the Pentagon like a tornado, dismantling fiefdoms, weeding out waste and redundancy, and, for the first time, holding the military to account. Using statistics and charts, McNamara was determined to extract value out of every dollar spent. While his reforms of the US military succeeded, McNamara’s reputation suffered when America became mired in the disastrous Vietnam War

in The ascent of globalisation
David Rowe

Vietnamese refugees (about 2,000 of whom were so-called ‘boat people’) by the mid-1980s in the wake of the Vietnam War (in which, as noted, Australia was a combatant) was a conspicuous indication of the passing into history of White Australia. Of course, legal changes did not mean an end to public debates and ideological undercurrents surrounding Australia’s positioning in an Asian context, especially given long-standing anxiety over what had often been described as the ‘Yellow Peril’. The ‘Australia for the White Man’ banner of the politically influential and popular

in Sport and diplomacy
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State terrorism, deceptive organisation and proxy
Emmanuel-Pierre Guittet

as implemented during the Vietnam War, in Central America and then in Iraq has also revealed a rich underbelly of amoral strategies that have left in their wake a recurring pattern of serious human rights violations including murder and torture. 6 More recent and rigorous archival research has undermined the idea that Britain used only the minimum necessary force and with the utmost discrimination during the wars of decolonisation in the two decades after 1945. 7 The

in Counter-terror by proxy
Keith Mc Loughlin

to the 1970s. Despite the deepening unemployment crisis, the peace movement was preoccupied with the placement of cruise missiles on British territory and the confrontational posturing on either side of the Iron Curtain. Many on CND feared that a multifaceted approach would dilute the potency of its message, just as the preoccupation with the Vietnam War had done in the late 1960s. The campaign made a deliberate choice in 1981 to drop its economic dimension and focus entirely on the imposition of cruise missiles and the planned replacement of the Polaris submarine

in The British left and the defence economy
Harold Wilson, Lyndon B. Johnson and Anglo-American relations ‘at the summit’, 1964–68
Author: Jonathan Colman

This book is based mainly on government sources, namely material from the White House, State Department, Foreign Office (FO), Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), Prime Minister's Office (PREM) and Cabinet (CAB). Private papers consulted include those of Harold Wilson, Foreign Secretary George Brown and Undersecretary of State George Ball. The book explores a period of the Wilson-Johnson relationship. It considers the seven weeks from Wilson's election until he went to see Lyndon B. Johnson on 7-9 December, a formative period in which Britain cultivated American financial support and which saw pre-summit diplomacy over the NATO Multilateral Force (MLF). The book covers the summit in detail, examining the diplomatic exchanges over the Vietnam War, the British commitment East of Suez and the MLF, as well as the interplay of personality between Wilson and Johnson. By exploring the relationship of the two leaders in the years 1964-1968, it seeks to examine their respective attitudes to the Anglo-American relationship. The book then assesses the significance of an alleged Anglo-American strategic-economic 'deal', Wilson's 'Commonwealth Peace Mission' to Vietnam, and another Wilson visit to Washington. It also considers why the personal relationship between Johnson and Wilson suffered such strain when the Labour government 'dissociated' the UK from the latest American measures in Vietnam. Next, the book addresses the period from August 1966-September 1967, during which Wilson launched an intense but abortive effort to initiate peace negotiations over Vietnam, and London announced plans to withdraw from military bases East of Suez.

Keith Mc Loughlin

a mixed bag. Expensive prestige projects, such as the TSR-2, were cancelled, but other weapons systems were ordered in their place. The ban on arms sales to South Africa won support on the left but was undone by arms trading elsewhere, often in war-torn regions. Although the government did not provide military support to the United States in the Vietnam War, the left interpreted the lack of outright criticism as an indication of tacit support. 88 For sure, Labour reduced military expenditure while in office, not

in The British left and the defence economy