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This book is about understanding how former combatants come home after war, and how their political lives are refracted by the war and the experience of coming home itself. In particular, it captures the political mobilization among former combatants as they come home from three very different types of war: civil war (Colombia), war of independence (Namibia), and interstate war (United States involvement in the Vietnam War). The book provides a much-needed long-term perspective on peace. It also demonstrates the artificial division between literatures across the Global North and Global South, and demonstrates how these literatures speak to each other just as the three cases speak to each other. The novel use of interviews to document life histories and the inside perspective they provide also give a unique insight into the former combatants’ own perspectives on the process of coming home and their sense of political voice. This book is not about peacebuilding in the sense of interventions. Rather, it examines peace as a process through studying the lived experiences of individuals, displaying the dynamics of political mobilization after disarmament across time in the lives of fifty former combatants. The book demonstrates how the process of coming home shapes their political commitment and identity, and how the legacy of war is a powerful reminder in the lives of these former combatants long after the end of the war.

Joseph Heller

commitment to the region was, taking into consideration that its resources were being drained by the Vietnam War. 4 There was a significant discrepancy between Israel’s priorities and those of the Johnson administration. Walt Rostow felt the various Ba’ath factions were vying for power, bringing anarchy to the regime, and Egypt would not go to war without Syria. Thus, it was difficult for the US administration

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
Testing the Memorandum of Understanding (1965–67)
Joseph Heller

could not attack. 14 At the same time, the escalating Vietnam War cast its shadow over the Cold War. Johnson needed to be persuaded, Israel suggested, that trust between the two countries had to be restored, perhaps in the form of the sale of Intruder planes. 15 Rodger Davies, Talbot’s deputy, admitted that only assurances of Israel’s security, with Egyptian acceptance, could persuade Israel to agree to

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
Joseph Heller

rifles, he cautioned. 48 Disarmament talks could not begin while the Vietnam War dragged on and until a permanent solution had been achieved in the Middle East. He claimed there would be no peace without an Israeli withdrawal from the territories it had captured. Johnson responded that the problem was a matter of justice, reminding Kosygin that he himself had publicly supported Israel’s right to exist at

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
Jean-François Caron

rules, the psychological consequences that soldiers very often encounter on the battlefield create situations that make them irresponsive to these moral norms. As this chapter will show, the My Lai massacre during the Vietnam War and more recently the war in Iraq are good examples of this. Therefore we also cannot ignore the prospect that capacity-increasing technologies might prevent the appearance of these psychological problems and contribute

in A theory of the super soldier
Joseph Heller

Vietnam War and Israel’s position on the Soviet Jews prevented improved relations. The Israeli foreign ministry argued that the Marxist doctrine of historical materialism required the Soviet Union to recognize that Israel’s political weight was greater than its population would indicate. Chuvakhin agreed, but complained that Israel had tied its fate to the West. 22 Israel rejected Soviet criticism of its

in The United States, the Soviet Union and the Arab– Israeli conflict, 1948– 67
Abstract only
Jean-François Caron

to the US armed forces. The use of amphetamines did not stop with the end of the Second World War. These drugs were also widely used by both sides during the Korean War and in other subsequent South East Asian conflicts; as reported by a member of the US Air Force, these pills were available ‘like candy’ during the Vietnam War (Cornum, Caldwell and Cornum, 1997 ). Nowadays, the use of dextroamphetamine (known as a ‘go

in A theory of the super soldier
Abstract only
Stephen Benedict Dyson

experiences of Robert McNamara and McGeorge Bundy, both of whom fudged differences with President Lyndon Johnson on the escalation of the Vietnam War, feeling that first loyalty, and then indirect opposition to the president, represented the only available strategies at their disposal. Both departed the administration soon after President Johnson became fully cognizant of the differences

in Leaders in conflict
Jean-François Caron

. 28 After interviewing soldiers who participated in the Normandy beach landings, General George Marshall learned that fatigue was responsible for an overwhelming number of casualties. 29 In 1997, the researchers also tested a similar experiment on Vietnam War veterans by using a virtual reality game labelled Virtual Vietnam (Halpern

in A theory of the super soldier
Active internationalism and ‘credible neutrality’
Christine Agius

criticising South Africa’s apartheid system and was also critical of human rights abuses in Eastern Europe. Perhaps the most noted example is Sweden’s criticism of America during the Vietnam War (what Palme called ‘an abnegation of human dignity’) (1972: 8). Stockholm made clear its difficulties with the USA’s South East Asia policy and the US view of Sweden was that of a ‘troublemaker’, aligned to the peace

in The social construction of Swedish neutrality