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For thee ô Essex and thy noble line, Euer most great, yet greater then it was, Thou sun-shine, drying widdowes teared eyne, The Columb which supports a royall masse; Thou excellent, deriu’d from most diuine, The work ELIZAS power hath brought to passe: To
This book provides an abundance of fresh insights into Shakespeare's life in relation to his lost family home, New Place. It first covers the first 6,000 years of the site, from its prehistoric beginnings through its development into a plot within the economic context of early medieval Stratford-upon-Avon, and the construction of the first timber-framed building. The book then describes the construction and distinctive features of Hugh Clopton's brick-and-timber house, the first New Place. Stratford-upon-Avon gave Shakespeare a deeply rooted love of family, loyal neighbours and friends, and although he came to enjoy a prominent social standing there, he probably had little or no time at all for its puritanical side. The book provides a cultural, religious and economic context for Shakespeare's upbringing; education, work, marriage, and early investments up to his son, Hamnet's death, and his father, John Shakespeare, being made a gentleman. It discusses the importance of New Place to Shakespeare and his family during the nineteen years he owned it and spent time there. The book also takes us to just beyond the death of Shakespeare's granddaughter, Elizabeth, Lady Bernard, the last direct descendant of Shakespeare to live in the house. It further gives an account of James Halliwell's acquisition of the site, his archaeology and how New Place has become an important focus for the local community, not least during the 'Dig for Shakespeare'.
, although its politics and modes of representation are far from understood. It has more to tell us than we suspect. This collection, the first dedicated to Derricke’s work, offers new readings of and new sources behind the Image , all to better explicate many facets of a difficult and complex book. The collection delves into historical, art-historical, archaeological and literary scholarship to explore the many meanings of this complex text. Though on the face of it, the Image is blatantly pro-Sidney and anti-Irish propaganda
This book seeks to interpret Sir Philip Sidney’s Arcadia as an articulation of a particular ethical outlook: that ethos which has been termed Philippist after the followers of Philip Melanchthon. Biographically speaking, it is well established that Sidney was familiar with the work of Melanchthon and the Philippists. 1 The ethical viewpoint that I argue the Arcadia articulates, is, naturally, identified with the romance’s author, reflecting his political and religious philosophies, which are, understandably, often also discernible in his real-life public
’ figure of Rory Og O’More of Laois (d. 1578) in the bloody saga of the Laois-Offaly plantation during the 1550s–1570s. Far from being the archetypal ‘woodkarne’ or generic ‘wild man of Ireland’, as he is presented in the Image (especially Plate XI ), O’More emerges from Carey’s work as a complex figure in a period of violent cultural and political transition. O’More’s desire to regain his family’s lands and maintain his political status proved impervious to Sidney’s arguments, denunciations, and armed assaults
: William’s chief guides for rhetoric were the Ad Herennium (then thought to be Cicero’s) for general information, Quintilian for theory, Erasmus’s Copia for variety and elegance, and Susenbrotus for tropes and figures of speech. It is not clear that he ever read a work by Cicero other than Tusculan Disputations ; his texts at school were few. 5 Honan’s reference to Shakespeare’s institutionally cultivated ‘memory’ raises a fundamental question to which we shall return, although the
issue is how we identify and categorise these fundamental discontinuities, and how in the process of their persistent collision they generate meanings. This is not simply a matter of interpreting an otherwise stable text, or performance, or indeed, the operations of the dramatist’s ‘mind’, 13 rather it is a question of how those discursive elements enter the text, and the representational work that they perform and the meanings they generate in the process of trafficking . Janet Clare has done admirable service in bringing
domestic treatment’ (Leong and Pennell 2007 : 134). This is evident in Hall’s reports on Mrs Kempson ( Case 78 ), Squire Rainsford ( Case 80 ), Mrs Randolph ( Case 99 ) and the schoolmaster John Trapp ( Case 177 ). Patients also sometimes queried or changed Hall’s prescriptions, with purgation or bleeding a particular issue. Mr Broad ( Case 100 ) refused venesection and so ‘fell into a continual burning fever as I foretold’. On Hall’s next visit he was ‘in danger of death, unable to say anything. Immediately I cut a vein and bled to 10oz’, which worked well enough for
the poems themselves, not the objects accompanying them. All in all, if the lords are naive, the maids are presented as cynical consumers. They clearly belong to a culture of commodification that seems at odds with the idea of manuscript culture so dear to the young lords of Navarre. The lords and their hypothetical mistresses therefore represent the early modern tensions at work between
The earliest reference to John Hall is his admission to Queens’ College, Cambridge, aged 14, in 1589. The last is his will dated 25 November 1635. His Little Book of Cures, Described in Case Histories and Empirically Proven, Tried and Tested in Certain Places and on Noted People forms the most substantial account of his life and work among his patients in the locale made famous by Hall’s father-in-law, William Shakespeare. Most of the records relating to Hall concern his life in Stratford-upon-Avon, starting with his marriage to Susanna, the Shakespeares